Author: olls

  • The Borders of Colorado: From Kansas Territory to Statehood – Part 1

    by Sarah Meisch

    How State Lines are Drawn

    Looking at a map of the United States, one spots a difference between the symmetrical states in the West and the more irregular borders of the East. At first glance, Colorado seems to have been easily drawn with its four clean borders. But why don’t we have the winding borders the eastern states have? Why are our mountains in the middle of the state, rather than drawn as a border? Is there a reason for the way our state cuts into part of Nebraska? This two-part series will address these questions and more, showing how the placement of Colorado’s state and territorial lines was part of a grander vision for political and cartographical harmony across the United States.

    Throughout its history, the US has drawn its state and territorial borders according to geometry, with a focus on equity between the states and their resources. The Confederation government (1781-1789) solidified the Enlightenment-era precedent of drawing boundaries in straight lines through several ordinances in the 1780s, creating a distinct preference for geometry over geography. Most scholars of boundary-making have expressed disapproval of this approach, with historian James Bryce writing in the 1880s that state lines “are for the most part not natural boundaries fixed by mountain ranges, nor even historical boundaries due to a series of events, but purely artificial boundaries determined by an authority which carved the national territory into strips of convenient size.” 

    In the US, only part of a single state line follows a chain of mountains; this line lies along the Continental Divide dividing Idaho and Montana. Only one-third of states incorporate rivers into their boundaries, and outside of relatively small surveying errors, American states are generally neat and well-defined. It was always the intention of the US government to create cleaner boundaries based on straight lines, rather than borders based on unpredictable natural barriers. This explains the confusion over the state boundaries here in Colorado, as according to historian Derek Everett “geographically, there is no sensible reason for the state of Colorado to exist….[T]he simple rectangle that demarcates Colorado’s boundaries affords practically nothing…capable of bringing this disparate region into a single political entity.”[1]

    However, in spite of the criticism aimed at geometric boundary-making, drawing lines based on geography has its drawbacks. Rivers are unreliable boundaries because they change dramatically over time; there have been several issues with the Missouri River as a boundary-maker over the years, as parts of Nebraska were found on the Missouri side of the river in the 1870s. Only the most entrenched and immovable rivers can realistically be used as boundaries, but these make up a very small portion of rivers. When the western states were being divided, there was a bit of public support for placing major rivers in the center of states instead to encourage riverine city and commercial development, but these petitions ultimately failed to convince Congress. 

    Mountain ranges as natural barriers are also difficult to use as state lines. It would be enormously difficult to survey a mountain range from peak to peak and cleft to cleft in all kinds of weather, even with modern technology. In the 1890s, scientist and explorer John Wesley Powell recommended state and county lines be drawn according to river basins, which are far less changeable over time than rivers, and also prioritize natural boundaries over geometric lines. There were many limitations with his plan for law enforcement and land ownership, and his suggestions came after the continental US had been divided up; therefore, it was too late to practically consider implementing Powell’s proposal.

    Congress attempted to create equality between states, drawing lines in order for states to share access to water, agriculture, and maintain relative equality of size. States that are far larger than others, such as California, Texas, and Alaska, are states that created themselves. When Congress asked California and Texas to readjust their borders after admittance to the Union, few borders were actually altered, and the economic benefit of these states being part of the US outweighed the high risk of alienating them to preserve boundary equality.

    Slavery was another integral piece of boundary making. To maintain an uneasy peace in the years leading up to the Civil War, the North and South would admit a slave-owning state when they would add a free state. This tit-for-tat division influenced the border placement of many states near the 36th and 37th parallels.

    Even as new territories and states were in the offing, the US Congress had an eye on the future. Congress placed an emphasis on intentional planning, allowing for and encouraging the explosive growth in the West. The tapestry of our nation could very well have been checkered with states of different sizes, shapes, and names from what exist today, if it hadn’t been for the vision of equity and symmetry championed by our Enlightenment thinkers.

    Stay tuned for Part 2 of this piece next week, which will explore the reasons behind Colorado’s borders, and how they have changed over time!


    [1] Everett, “Creating the American West,” 11.

    References

    Abbott, Carl, Stephen J Leonard, and Thomas J Noel. Colorado: A History of the Centennial State. Fifth. Boulder, Colorado: University Press of Colorado, 2013.

    American Library Association. “Indigenous Tribes of Colorado.” American Library Association, November 21, 2017. https://www.ala.org/aboutala/offices/denver-colorado-tribes.

    “Articles of Confederation (1777).” National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed August 31, 2023. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/articles-of-confederation#:~:text=The%20Articles%20of%20Confederation%20were,day%20Constitution%20went%20into%20effect

    Berwanger, Eugene H. The Rise of the Centennial State: Colorado Territory, 1861-76. Urbana, Illinois: University Of Illinois Press, 2007.

    Cengage. “Jefferson Territory | Encyclopedia.com.” www.encyclopedia.com. Accessed June 6, 2023. https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-releases/jefferson-territory.

    Everett, Derek R. Creating the American West: Boundaries and Borderlands. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.

    Frederic Logan Paxson. History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Riverside Press, 1924.

    ‌Geurts, Jennie. 2014. “How Rivers Shaped the Shape of Colorado.” Water Education Colorado. July 24, 2014. https://www.watereducationcolorado.org/publications-and-radio/blog/how-rivers-shaped-the-shape-of-colorado/.

    Gower, Calvin. “Kansas Territory and Its Boundary Question, 1: ‘Big Kansas’ or ‘Little Kansas.’” Www.kshs.org 33, no. 1 (1967): 1–12. https://www.kshs.org/p/kansas-historical-quarterly-kansas-territory-and-its-boundary-question/13180.

    History, Art & Archives: United States House of Representatives. “Draft Bill for Colorado Territory | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives.” history.house.gov. Accessed June 6, 2023. https://history.house.gov/HouseRecord/Detail/15032436207.

    History Colorado. “Carving up a Continent: State Boundaries in the American West, Feat. Dr. Derek Everett.” www.youtube.com, October 5, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EUit0Mj5QH8.

    History Colorado, and Michael Troyer. “Colorado Territory | Articles | Colorado Encyclopedia.” Coloradoencyclopedia.org, February 25, 2016. https://coloradoencyclopedia.org/article/colorado-territory.

    Humeyumptewa, Aleks, and Tracie Etheredge. “An Inventory of the Records of Arapahoe County, Colorado.” Denver, Colorado: The Colorado Historical Society, 1994. https://www.historycolorado.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2018/mss.00015_arapahoe_county_colorado.pdf.

    “Is Colorado a Square State?” 2016. Denver Public Library History. August 1, 2016. https://history.denverlibrary.org/news/colorado-square-state.

    Jacobs, Frank. “Colorado Is Not a Rectangle—It Has 697 Sides.” Atlas Obscura. Big Think, April 14, 2023. https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/is-colorado-a-rectangle.

    Library Of Congress, and Sponsoring Body Library Of Congress. Center For The Book. How the States Got Their Shapes. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, -07-15, 2008. Video. https://www.loc.gov/item/2021687996/.

    Maness, Jack. “When Colorado Was Kansas, and the Nation Was (Even More?) Divided.” Denver Public Library, January 26, 2017. https://history.denverlibrary.org/news/when-colorado-was-kansas-and-nation-was-even-more-divided.

    Paxson, Frederic. “The Boundaries of Colorado.” The University of Colorado Studies 2, no. 2 (July 1904).

    Stein, Mark. How the States Got Their Shapes. New York: Smithsonian Books/Collins, 2008.

    The U.S. Today, with Dates of Statehood Wall Map. Mapszu. Accessed June 6, 2023. https://cdn.shopify.com/s/files/1/0268/2549/0485/products/maps.com-the-u.s.-today-with-dates-of-statehood-wall-map_2400x.jpg?v=1572562951.

    Trembath, Brian. “Jefferson Territory: The Renegade State That Almost Replaced Colorado.” Denver Public Library, June 24, 2020. https://history.denverlibrary.org/news/jefferson-territory-renegade-state-almost-replaced-colorado.

    www.native-languages.org. “Colorado Indian Tribes and Languages.” Native Languages of the Americas. Accessed June 6, 2023. http://www.native-languages.org/colorado.htm.

    Wikipedia. “Colorado Territory,” June 2, 2023. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colorado_Territory.

    Wikipedia. “Four Corners,” May 7, 2023. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Four_Corners#:~:text=The%20Four%20Corners%20area%20is.

    Zimmer, Amy. “Jefferson’s Legacy in Colorado.” www.coloradovirtuallibrary.org. Colorado Virtual Library, April 11, 2013. https://www.coloradovirtuallibrary.org/resource-sharing/state-pubs-blog/jeffersons-legacy-in-colorado/.

  • What Does Your Drafter Need to Know to Start Drafting?

    What Does Your Drafter Need to Know to Start Drafting?

    by Jery Payne and Patti Dahlberg

    It was a great stakeholder meeting. The stakeholders arrived prepared and ready to negotiate. The discussion was respectful, weighing the pros and cons of the policy alternatives. Because the discussion was good and the meeting was ebbing, I looked forward to the legislator and stakeholders settling on a policy. So you can imagine my surprise when the legislator looked over to me and said, “Do you have everything you need to draft this legislation?”

    After I cleaned up the coffee, I replied, “Well, I think you have a few decisions to make.”[1]

    What Are the Basics?

    So what does your drafter need to know to begin drafting your bill? The answer is, “It depends!”

    Helpful? Yep, that’s so helpful. If you’re not convinced, here are a few guidelines to help fill in the necessary details:

    • What problem are you trying to solve or address?
      • Is it a lack of access to a government service? Is someone defrauding the state or businesses? Is it an exploitative business practice? Is it a lack of habitat for wildlife?
    • What is the proposed solution?
      • Is it a grant program? Is it creating an exemption to a current prohibition? Is it a prohibition of a business practice?
    • What are the conditions that make the statute apply?
      •  Who is eligible for the grant? How do you define the prohibited business practice?
    • How does the state know whether these conditions apply?
      • If a grant recipient needs to be low income, how will the agency verify the low income status? If a business is prohibited from vertical integration, how will the state identify that the business is vertically integrating? Should the state require a type of business to be licensed? Or should the state authorize law enforcement to investigate complaints?
    • What happens when the policy isn’t followed?
      • What if a business decides to keep doing the exploitative business practice? Will the state fine the scofflaws? Will the state throw them in jail? Maybe the state will deny them a license? What happens if the grant money isn’t spent appropriately?
    • If you are working with stakeholders on the bill, the drafter will need to know who has drafting authority and who is authorized to give and receive information on the bill.
    • A promissory note to give the drafter a bottle of the drafter’s favorite beverage if you fail to provide this information… I suppose this isn’t absolutely necessary. … Okay, my editor is telling me to cut it out—I was just kidding anyway.

    Now where was I? Oh yeah:

    If you don’t have all these details figured out, it’s okay to give the drafter what you do have and then talk with your drafter to work out the rest. By the way, this is one of the reasons why submitting the bill request a bit earlier is a good idea: It gives you time to have these discussions with the drafter.

    Other Helpful Information to Tell Your Drafter

    In addition to these basic requirements, let your drafter know about any of the following:

    • Are there any no-go zones? In other words, should the bill avoid entangling with any other issues?
    • Background information is helpful, but your drafter doesn’t need all the political information, such as a list of the organizations who will support the policy or your argument for why it is good policy.
    • If your bill is based on an act from another state or if it is based on another Colorado statute, share that with the drafter.

    The drafter usually discovers additional decision points while they are drafting the bill. A great example is when your policy conflicts with something in current statutes. Your drafter will contact you to discuss these issues.

    Procedural Questions You’ll Need to Answer Before Introduction

    Before your bill is introduced, procedural questions need answers, such as:

    • Is it okay to release the bill for fiscal note analysis?
    • If the bill contains reporting requirements, should they expire in three years?
    • Do you prefer a safety clause or a petition clause? The default is a petition clause.
    • Do you want your bill to take effect on a specific date?

    For more detailed information on these questions and potential answers, see How Would You Like Your Bill? Questions a Bill Sponsor Must Decide.


    [1] Although this precise scenario hasn’t happened to me yet, I’ve been in many meetings that aren’t far from this scenario in different ways.

  • Ed DeCecco Called Up to Be OLLS Director

    We are pleased to announce that the Executive Committee of the Legislative Council appointed Ed DeCecco[1] to be the next Director of the Office of Legislative Legal Services, effective October 1, 2023.

    Ed started his career with the office on November 19, 2001, as a staff attorney on the Government Team, which specializes in issues concerning state and local government, government finance, taxation, infrastructure, transportation, PERA, and elections. Since then, he has earned respect and recognition as a top expert in the subjects of government finance, taxation, and the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights.

    In addition to drafting bills and providing legal counsel to the General Assembly, Ed has successfully performed various roles on behalf of the office over the years, including:

    • Assisting with matters affecting the General Assembly, including issues related to legislative rules, open government, social media, litigation, and training new legislators.
    • Serving as the office’s liaison to the Joint Budget Committee, to assist the committee and its staff with legal issues related to the budget process and to oversee the drafting of committee bills.
    • Serving as one of the office’s Director’s designees on the State Title Board, along with the Attorney General’s and Secretary of State’s designees, to set titles for citizen initiatives.
    • Advising the General Assembly and its staff on ethical issues.  
    • Mentoring, advising, and supporting colleagues regarding bills, legal issues, appropriation clauses, and initiative procedures.

    In addition to his wealth of qualifications, Ed is loyal to the office’s primary responsibility: To provide excellent and highly competent non-partisan legal services to the General Assembly.

    Above all else, Ed is a proud husband and father, a true gentleman, and a genuinely good guy.

    Please join us in congratulating Ed on his well-deserved appointment as OLLS Director!


    [1] Pronounced “deh-check-o”.

  • A Fond Farewell to a Dedicated Public Servant: Sharon Eubanks

    Besides the usual ghosts and goblins, Halloween 2023 holds an additional specter for the Colorado General Assembly and the Office of Legislative Legal Services. On October 31, 2023, 37 years of knowledge, experience, and dedication will depart the Colorado State Capitol when Sharon Eubanks, Director of the OLLS, retires from a career of exemplary service to the state of Colorado.

    It’s hard to imagine the Office without Sharon, who began as a staff attorney in 1986—two years before the Office of Legislative Legal Services was even established by HB88-1329. Sharon brought three years of legislative experience with her to Colorado, having previously worked as a legislative attorney for the Oklahoma House of Representatives. And when she started with the OLLS, she had the good fortune to learn under the tutelage of the original pillars of the Office: Douglas (Doug) Brown, Rebecca (Becky) Lennehan, Charles (Charley) Pike, and Alice Ackerman.

    Sharon quickly proved her worth as an excellent drafter and trusted advisor to legislators. Because of her sharp legal analysis and understanding of statutory construction, she was entrusted with drafting significant—and, in some cases, ground-breaking—legislation, including the act that established the Scientific and Cultural Facilities District and the act that created the Denver Metropolitan Major League Baseball Stadium District, which resulted in Denver receiving a Major League Baseball franchise. Other notable legislation that Sharon drafted includes the act that authorized public school open enrollment within and across school districts in Colorado and the act that provided economic incentives to United Airlines to build its maintenance facility at Stapleton International Airport.

    But the work that probably most defines Sharon’s career with the Office—and for which she is best known—involved assisting the General Assembly, its members, committees, and staff with interpreting and complying with Article X, Section 20 of the state constitution, commonly known as the “Taxpayers’ Bill of Rights” or “TABOR”, approved by the voters in 1992. Within days after the election, the Director of the OLLS at the time, Doug Brown, appointed Sharon the lead attorney in the effort to understand TABOR and assist the General Assembly in implementing its provisions. This was a significant undertaking that included providing legal analysis and advice regarding TABOR’s meaning and impact, drafting legislation to implement and address issues resulting from the passage of TABOR, and assisting with litigation stemming from subsequent TABOR-related legislation. With her work, Sharon established herself as one of the state’s premiere experts on TABOR and, as a result, she was—and likely still is—the person who legislators, legislative staff, and even members of other branches of government and the public called regarding its legislative, judicial, and administrative interpretations.

    Recognizing her extraordinary capacity and sharp legal mind, Director Brown promoted Sharon to Senior Attorney within four years after she started with the OLLS and later to Team Leader of the Finance Team, in which role she led, trained, and mentored a team of drafters and legislative assistants. Sharon’s revising skills are equally revered and feared; there isn’t an attorney in the Office who hasn’t felt a twinge of anxiety upon receiving the abundant comments, questions, and edits resulting from her thorough review of the attorney’s work. But each attorney will also readily admit to having benefited from her revising and mentoring skills and acknowledge that her keen abilities have made us all better drafters and attorneys.

    Sharon’s career continued to soar, and by 2004 she was promoted to Deputy Director of the Office. In this role, she took on a wide assortment of special projects for the Director, including representing the Office on the state title board, setting ballot titles for citizen initiatives, often a contentious endeavor. She drafted myriad legal memoranda and opinions and assisted in multiple lawsuits involving the General Assembly and its members. Her excellent writing skills and legal analysis served well the General Assembly and the legal counsel representing the General Assembly as she worked on pleadings, briefs, and oral arguments.

    In 2017, the Executive Committee of the Legislative Council appointed Sharon director of the Office, and almost immediately Sharon found herself guiding the General Assembly and the Office through an astonishing number of first-time issues. During her very first legislative session as director, Sharon faced the unprecedented expulsion of a member of the House of Representatives based on charges of workplace harassment and the accompanying unique procedural, ethical, and legal issues. In the aftermath, Sharon helped guide the General Assembly through an overhaul of its policies and procedures related to workplace harassment complaints.

    Then, while still relatively new to the director position, Sharon suddenly found herself challenged with another unprecedented situation when a worldwide pandemic shut down the General Assembly mid-session. Undaunted, she led her staff and guided the leadership of the General Assembly through the development, adoption, and implementation of new legislative rules, protocols, and procedures allowing for remote work and participation in the legislative process by both legislators and staff.

    These are just two examples of the constantly changing, challenging, and unique circumstances that Sharon has faced – and overcome – during her tenure as director. Added to these are the continuing challenges of increasingly partisan legislative sessions and the resulting unprecedented increases in stress and workload for nonpartisan staff. In all of these situations, Sharon has continued to exemplify the best in nonpartisan service for legislators and effective leadership for her staff, continually working to provide the people of the OLLS with the support they need and the appreciation they deserve.

    The Office of Legislative Legal Services, the General Assembly and the many legislators who have served during the last 37 years, and the citizens of the state of Colorado have been the fortunate beneficiaries of Sharon’s lengthy and distinguished career. Thank you, Sharon, for your innumerable contributions, dedication, and remarkable service to the Colorado General Assembly and to the state of Colorado.

  • The 2023 Session Fades in The Rear View Mirror

    by Jery Payne

    As we head down the road towards the 2024 session, looking for a nice rest area with green grass and blue sky, the 2023 session is now in our rear view mirror, and although each session has its own special scenery, road curves, and interesting viewpoints, 2023 was quite a ride. Sometimes it felt like we were racing down an open highway, windows open with the wind blowing through our hair. And other times we waited in a traffic jam, peering out over the steering wheel to count the number of cars ahead, only to shrug our shoulders, turn up George Strait, and sing along, “And there’s a road, a winding road that never ends ….”

    If this road hasn’t ended, at least we’re pulling into the motel for the night. The General Assembly has adjourned sine die. The regular session is done, and it’s time for some rest and relaxation.

    Despite the long hours, the number of bills introduced is actually pretty normal. I count 617 bills introduced this session, which is about the same as the last few sessions: 657 bills were introduced in 2022, 623 bills in 2021, 651 bills in 2020, and 598 bills in 2019. But the number of bills doesn’t really tell the whole tale because the word bill can refer to a three-page bill or to a 300-page bill. This year did seem to have more of those longer complex bills than normal. But again, that doesn’t really tell the whole tale. The 2023 session felt long because it was a session with many long debates, which makes for long hours for legislators and staff.

    The 2023’s regular session is done. Staff is still getting bills signed, writing digests, and getting the bills ready to go to the governor, who has to decide what he will do with these bills. If there are 10 days left in the session, the governor has 10 days to sign, veto, or ignore a bill. But if there aren’t 10 days left when the bill is presented, the governor has 30 days for those same options. If the governor signs a bill or ignores it for the required time, the bill becomes law. If the governor vetoes a bill, it does not become law and the governor must send it back to the House and the Senate with a letter explaining his reasons for vetoing the bill. Normally, the General Assembly can override a veto, but not if the General Assembly has adjourned sine die. (I suppose the General Assembly could call itself back for a special session to override the veto, but let’s hope that’s a road trip it does not take.) 

    For now, the legislative votes have been taken and we await the decisions of the governor.

    Enjoy a bit of downtime, but the 2024 session is coming, so don’t wait too long.

    Before you know it interim committees will be starting up. In addition to the existing committees, this year the General Assembly will be forming three additional interim committees: The Colorado’s Child Welfare System Interim Study Committee, the Recidivism Interim Study Committee, and the Legislative Interim Committee on Ozone Air Quality. The first two were created through the letter process, while the third was a product of House Bill 23-1294. So now enjoy your interim. We will be also enjoying our interim, and LegiSource is going on hiatus for the summer. But the 2024 session is coming. Today, the motel is calling you from the road, but tomorrow, the road will be calling you from the motel.

  • Maximizing the Interim: How OLLS Staff Can Help Legislators

    Maximizing the Interim: How OLLS Staff Can Help Legislators

    Editor’s note: This article was originally written by Debbie Haskins and posted on July 6, 2017. It has been updated as appropriate.

    Legislators, especially those serving in their first legislative session, often comment that they wish they had more time to work on their bills. They sometimes learn the hard way that failure to engage in robust stakeholder processes leads to bills that are difficult to pass. Sometimes it takes multiple bill drafts before all sides feel that the concerns they represent are adequately addressed. While the interim is a good time for legislators to take a well-deserved break from the hectic pace of the previous legislative session, many also find that the interim is a great opportunity to prepare for the upcoming legislative session.

    During the interim, legislative staff in the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) can assist legislators in the following ways:

    • Researching what other states do to combat a particular problem the legislator is interested in addressing via legislation;
    • Researching prior legislative efforts in Colorado to address a particular issue;
    • Researching legal issues that arise in proposed legislation;
    • Facilitating discussions or participating in stakeholder meetings that bring a wide variety of parties together to discuss how to address particular issues; and
    • Drafting and redrafting bills.

    Legislators may ask an OLLS attorney to attend drafting meetings or stakeholder meetings that are held at the State Capitol Building or in the Capitol Complex. While OLLS attorneys cannot attend meetings with or on behalf of a legislator outside of the Capitol Complex, we are happy to meet with legislators and their contacts over Zoom, Google Meet, or any other videoconferencing platform.

    In addition, OLLS staff provides legal research and bill drafting for interim committees and committees that meet year-round, such as the Capital Development Committee, Colorado Commission on Uniform State Laws, Committee on Legal Services, Joint Technology Committee, and Statutory Revision Committee.

    If you are a new legislator—or even if you have a couple of sessions under your belt—you may want to use the interim to brush up on the legislative procedures or learn more about a particular subject area. The OLLS staff are available to help in these areas, as well. Staff attorneys are happy to provide one-on-one review sessions of the legislative rules or to help you drill down in understanding Colorado’s laws on a particular subject. Also, each interim, the OLLS provides in-house continuing legal education (CLE) programs. Legislators, especially those who are attorneys, are welcome to attend many of them. Contact the OLLS to receive notice of these programs. For more information on all of the OLLS’s interim activities, click here.

    Nonpartisan legislative staff at the OLLS are here to help legislators maximize their interim. Let us help you get a jump start on the 2024 legislative session.

  • Automatic Rule Changes During the Last Days of Session

     Editor’s note: This article was originally posted on April 18, 2019. This version has been updated where appropriate.

    by Julie Pelegrin

    On May 9, legislators, legislative staff, lobbyists, and capitol reporters can all hit the snooze button and roll over for another hour of sleep. But between now and then, there are several amendments to read, bills to consider, and differences to resolve. To help ensure that both houses can complete their work by midnight on May 8, the legislative rules automatically speed up or suspend certain procedural requirements in the last few days of the session.

    Last 5 Days of Session:

    • Joint Rule 7One day after a bill is assigned to a conference committee, a majority of either house may demand a conference committee report, and the committee must deliver the report before the close of the legislative day during which the demand is made. If a bill has been assigned to a conference committee at any time during the session and the committee hasn’t turned in a report, the committee must report the bill out within these last five days of session.

    Last 3 Days of Session:

    • House Rule 25 (j)(3); Senate Rule 22 (f): Each House committee chairperson must submit committee reports to the House front desk as soon as possible after the committee acts on a bill. No more waiting for two or three days to turn in the report. This requirement—to submit the committee report as soon as possible—actually applies to Senate committee chairs in the last 10 days of session. And during these last 10 days, at the request of the Senate Majority Leader or President, the chairman must submit the committee report immediately. If that doesn’t happen within 24 hours after the request, the committee staff person is required to submit the report to the Senate front desk on the chairman’s behalf.
    • House Rule 36 (d); Senate Rule 26 (a)The House and the Senate can consider the amendments made in the second house without waiting for each legislator in the first house to receive a copy of the rerevised bill and for the notice of consideration to be printed in the calendar.
    • House Rule 36 (d); Senate Rule 26 (b)Legislators can vote on conference committee reports as soon as the reports are turned in to their respective front desks—even if the report has not been distributed to the members and has not been calendared for consideration. The usual practice, however, is to try to distribute copies of conference committee reports to legislators before the vote.
    • House Rule 35 (a): Throughout most of the session, a Representative may give notice of the intention to move to reconsider a question. In this case, the Representative has until noon on the next day of actual session to move to reconsider. However, during the last three days of session, a member may not give notice of intention to reconsider.
    • Senate Rule 18 (d)Throughout most of the session, a Senator may give notice of reconsideration, and the Secretary of the Senate will hold the bill for which the notice was given for up to two days of actual session. During the last three days of session, however, this rule is suspended, and a Senator cannot hold up a bill by giving notice to reconsider.
    • House Rule 33 (b.5)Usually, the House rules only allow technical amendments on third reading; offering a substantial amendment on third reading may result in the bill being referred back to second reading. During the last three days of session, however, a Representative may offer a substantial amendment to a bill on third reading.

    Last 2 Days of Session:

    • House Rule 35 (b) and (e)A motion to reconsider usually requires a 2/3 vote to pass. In the last two days of session, however, a motion to reconsider – in a House committee or in the full House – requires only a majority vote.

    Before the 117th legislative day, the Speaker of the House or the President of the Senate may announce that the House or the Senate, respectively, is in the last three days of the legislative session. This does not mean that either the House or the Senate will adjourn sine die before the 120th legislative day, but it does trigger the rule changes that apply in the last three and last two days of session.

    Digest of Bills

    With these expedited procedures, bills will probably be moving quickly. If you find yourself wondering which bills passed and what they do, you’ll want to check the digest of bills. The Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) annually publishes the digest, which contains a summary of each bill enacted during the legislative session, organized by subject matter. The OLLS will publish a preliminary digest before the end of session that will include all of the bills that have passed and been signed by the Governor or allowed to become law by that time. The OLLS will publish the final digest once the 30-day period for Governor action is passed. Copies of the preliminary and final digest will be available in Room 091 in the Capitol basement and posted on the OLLS website.

  • Freedom of Speech for the New Legislator

    Freedom of Speech for the New Legislator

    by Esther van Mourik and Pierce Lively

    Editor’s note: This article was originally published on January 17, 2019.

    It is a prized American privilege to speak one’s mind, although not always with perfect good taste, on all public institutions.” – Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black

    He has the backbone of a chocolate éclair.” – President Theodore Roosevelt on President William McKinley.

    You’ve just been sworn in to serve as a legislative member of the Colorado General Assembly[1] and you are now a public official. Congratulations! If you would like to know your rights as a legislator when you’re being criticized by the public, when you’re making speeches, or when you’re being threatened, read on!

    It is a foundational principle that the success of a democracy is built on the back of free political discussion. This discussion is a fundamental right protected by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution and article II, section 10 of the Colorado Constitution. But freedom of speech is not absolute. For example, it does not protect a person who shouts “fire!” in a crowded theater and causes a panic. Over the years the judiciary has justified regulating speech when the restriction outweighs the value of the expression. So, where is the line drawn? In particular, when is speech directed toward, or made by, a legislator protected and when is it not?

    Speech directed toward a public official

    Let’s say that a critic has publicly said you are “ripping off taxpayers” by sponsoring a tax credit for businesses. Do you have a complaint against that critic for defamation? Probably not.

    Defamation is a catch-all term for civil, not criminal, damage claims stemming from false statements that hurt someone’s reputation.[2] Defamation laws are an important recourse for those who are harmed by false statements. However, defamation laws are in direct conflict with the constitutional right to free speech, and consequently, courts look at punishing that speech very carefully. This conflict is particularly acute in the case of public officials, such as legislators, because robust political debates and discussions are fundamental to our democratic system and should not be chilled.

    In New York Times v. Sullivan, the United States Supreme Court addressed this conflict by holding that the First Amendment’s right to free speech prohibits a “public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with ‘actual malice’ — that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.”

    What does this mean for public officials, including legislators, in Colorado? A public official can only recover damages for a statement if he or she can prove that (1) a person published or otherwise communicated the statement to a third party, (2) the statement caused the public official actual damage, and (3) that when the person made the statement, he or she either knew it was false or had a reckless disregard as to whether it was false. This “actual malice” standard imposes a high burden on public officials in a defamation case.

    So, when a critic has publicly said you are “ripping off taxpayers” because you sponsored a tax credit for businesses, this may hurt your reputation, but it is probably not defamation. The critic is entitled to his or her opinion, and opinions are hard to prove true or false.

    Speech made by a legislator

    An “unrestricted debate of public issues” requires protecting not only a public official’s critics, but also protecting the public official. As regular readers of LegiSource will already know, this protection is achieved through “legislative immunity.”[3]

    Let’s say you make a statement during legislative debate that offends someone. Is your speech protected? Yes. The Colorado Constitution includes protections to ensure that you can do your job as a public official without interference or intimidation.

    Under Article V, section 16 of the Colorado Constitution, legislators are immune from civil lawsuits and state criminal prosecution for actions that fall within the “sphere of legitimate legislative activity.”[4] Although Colorado courts have not defined the phrase “sphere of legitimate legislative activity,” in Gravel v. United States, the United States Supreme Court held that activities that are “an integral part of the deliberative and communicative processes by which Members participate in committee and House proceedings with respect to the consideration and passage or rejection of proposed legislation or with respect to other matters which the Constitution places within the jurisdiction of either House” are within the sphere.

    In general, these activities include conducting hearings, preparing and authorizing the publication of reports, delivering floor speeches, and voting but do not include meeting with or influencing executive branch or local government officials or political activities related to campaigning.

    When a constituent is offended by something you said during legislative debate about a particular bill, your speech is protected, and you are immune from any liability related to that speech.

    When speech turns criminal

    Legislative immunity protects legislators and the high burden in defamation cases protects critics of the government, but no one is protected while threatening others. Actions that constitute criminally threatening behavior include:

    • Attempting to influence legislators and other public servants through “deceit or by threat of violence or economic reprisal”;[5]
    • Threatening or using physical action to place another “in fear of imminent serious bodily injury”;[6]
    • A continuous course of conduct where one follows, approaches, contacts, places another under surveillance, or communicates with someone in a manner that causes that person to suffer serious emotional distress;[7] and
    • Harassment.[8]

    If you feel threatened in any way while in the capitol, call state patrol (303-866-3660). If you feel threatened outside of the capitol call local law enforcement. If you think the person threatening you away from the capitol may come to the capitol, please call state patrol.

    Final thoughts

    As you embark on your new careers as members of the General Assembly, it’s important to remember that open and robust discussion of public issues is a fundamental part of our democracy. Our laws strive to protect discussion both by critics of the government and the government itself. Critics of the government are protected by requiring public officials to clear a high bar before they succeed in defamation cases. Legislative immunity protects members of the government in relation to statements they make within “the sphere of legitimate legislative activity.” But expression that improperly influences, threatens, or harasses a person is illegal and unprotected. If you have any further questions about any of these issues, please contact the Office of Legislative Legal Services.

     


    [1] Or maybe you’re already a legislator and you just want a refresher!

    [2] If defamation is written, it is libel, and if it is spoken, it is slander.

    [3] See Legislative Ethics – Legislative Immunity and A Look at the Limits of Legislative Immunity.

    [4] For an in-depth discussion of how this doctrine applies to subpoenas, see To Testify or Not to Testify: Responding to a Subpoena.

    [5] Section 18-8-306, C.R.S.

    [6] Section 18-3-206, C.R.S.

    [7] Section 18-3-602, C.R.S.

    [8] Section 18-9-111, C.R.S.

  • What happens when multiple bills amend the same provision of law?

    What happens when multiple bills amend the same provision of law?

     by Bethanie Pack

    Editor’s note: This article was originally posted on March 15, 2019. It has been updated where appropriate.

    It’s very common for multiple bills to amend the same provision of law in a given session, because let’s face it, great minds think alike, and there are a lot of great minds in our state legislature. So, when this occurs, one of five things can happen:

    1. The bills are harmonized upon publishing;
    2. Provisions are renumbered;
    3. The bills are amended without need of a conflict letter from the Revisor of Statutes;
    4. The Revisor of Statutes issues a conflict letter to the bill sponsors of both bills notifying them of the conflict and that their drafters can provide guidance to the bill sponsor on how to address it; or
    5. As a last resort, one of the bills supersedes the other.

    So what in the world does all this mean? Let me explain.

    After a bill passes second reading in each house, the publications team (a team in the Office of Legislative Legal Services that works under the direction and supervision of the Revisor of Statutes) performs a database search against all other bills in the current legislative session to ensure no bills change the same provision of law in a conflicting manner.

    Harmonize

    If only Bill A and Bill C are adopted, then the publications team can harmonize the section upon publication, and there is no conflict. In other words, the two bills “play nice together.” The section would appear as:

    45-1-101. Residential watering. A homeowner may water the lawn for a maximum of one hour up to five times per week.

    The changes from both bills can be combined in this section and they can be harmonized.

    Renumber/Reletter

    Now, ignore Bills A, B, and C for a moment, and take as an example two bills that both add a subsection (2) to the current version of 45-1-101. If both bills pass, one of them will be renumbered to add a subsection (3).

     Conflict Letter

    Back to our original example.  If both Bill A and Bill B were to pass, they cannot be harmonized; there is a conflict. The section of law cannot state that a homeowner may water the lawn both three and five times per week. In this scenario, the Revisor of Statutes writes a conflict letter, as directed by Joint Rule 16, to give notice of conflicting provisions to the prime sponsors of the conflicting bills.

    These letters are sent to the prime sponsors and the conflict is noted in the transmittal letter sent to the opposite house after third reading in the first house. A copy of the letter is also stapled to the billback. The letter contains a statement about the conflict and a statement that the bill drafters know about the conflict and can provide guidance on how to address the issue.

    The publications team runs the conflict check after second reading in each house, which sometimes gives the drafter enough time to confer with the prime sponsor and draft a third reading amendment to fix the conflict. This quick action by the drafter would eliminate the need for a conflict letter before the bill is transmitted to the opposite house.

    Typical resolutions to conflicts by amendment include mirroring the language in both bills to make them harmonizable, making the conflicting provision in one bill contingent on the passage of the other bill so that both provisions don’t go into effect, or eliminating the conflicting provision or moving it to a different place in statute. But sometimes, none of these approaches will work because the bill sponsors don’t agree to the amendments that would harmonize the bills or because harmonizing the bills would defeat the purposes of the bills. In these situations, the legislators may decide to allow one bill to supersede the other.

    Supersede

    The goal of the publications team is to give effect to every bill. So, allowing one provision of law to supersede another is the last resort and done only if an amendment to fix the issue was not adopted. If two bills pass that cannot be harmonized, renumbered, or relettered, and they were not amended to “play nice together,” then one bill will supersede the other where the conflicting provision occurs. Which provision takes effect is typically based on the effective dates of the bills—the amendment with the later effective date prevails. Occasionally two conflicting bills will have the same effective date, in which case the provision that prevails is the one in the bill that the Governor signs last. In some cases, however, the bill with the earlier effective date will prevail because it repeals the provision. A bill that repeals a provision will supersede a bill that amends the same provision, even if the amending bill has a later effective date, because the repealed provision is gone by the time the amending provision takes effect, and it cannot be brought back to life to implement the amendment.

    For more information on effective dates, see “When Does an Act become a Law? It depends.”

  • On Ejusdem Generis & Squirrels

    by Jery Payne

    1.     Is Adam a Burglar?

    Adam worked at a truck shop. His duties included delivering clothes to the other workers’ lockers. Although it was possible to secure the lockers using a padlock, none of the workers actually used locks. The workers should have used the locks, however, because several workers noticed money missing from their work lockers. Suspecting theft, one of the workers installed a small video camera in the room. The camera recorded Adam looking through the lockers and taking items from them. This led to Adam’s arrest for burglary and theft.

    At trial, Adam was found guilty of the burglary charge. Here’s the law, section 18-4-204, C.R.S., forbidding burglary:

    A person commits third degree burglary if with intent to commit a crime he [sic] enters or breaks into any vault, safe, cash register, coin vending machine, product dispenser, money depository, safety deposit box, coin telephone, coin box, or other apparatus or equipment whether or not coin operated.

    Adam appealed the guilty verdict, but the appeals court affirmed the conviction because he “entered or broke into what is tantamount to a vault.” The Colorado Supreme Court, however, reversed the appeals court because of ejusdem generis.

    Ejusdem generis is a Latin phrase that means “of the same kind or class.” This doctrine of statutory interpretation holds that, when a catchall phrase follows a list, the catchall phrase should be read to apply only to persons or things that are of the same kind as the items on the list. This means that the catchall phrase should not be read to cover everything that it says it covers. Instead, the catchall phrase should be limited to covering persons or things that are similar or in the same class as the things on the list.

    Ejusdem generis is actually a specific application of another rule of statutory interpretation: Every word in a statute must be given effect. When, for example, a statute applies to raspberries, strawberries, or other fruit, the words raspberries and strawberries are redundant with the word fruit. Therefore, reading fruit literally to mean all fruit means that the words raspberries and strawberries don’t do anything, and they don’t have any effect. So courts have decided that, to give every word meaning, we have to use the redundant items on the list to narrow the meaning of the catchall.

    Returning to Adam’s burglary case, the Colorado Supreme Court reasoned that all the items in the statutory list “are almost always used to contain money or valuables exclusively: vaults, safes, cash registers, coin vending machines, product dispensers, money depositories, safety deposit boxes, coin telephones, and coin boxes.” Therefore, the list doesn’t include equipment that holds mere property; the list includes only equipment that holds money and valuables. “Thus, whether any given container falls within the purview of the statute depends on whether the apparatus or equipment is merely a storage receptacle or is of the same kind or class as those items enumerated in the statute, that is, whether the container is designed for the safekeeping of money or valuables[.]” So, the Colorado Supreme Court held that Adam had not committed burglary.

    2.     Ejusdem Generis Is Squirrely.

    Imagine that you’re a court interpreting a statute that reads:

    To be imported into Colorado, cherries, tomatoes, cranberries, and other fruit must be inspected by the commissioner of agriculture.

    The statute has three fruits and the catchall of other fruit, so this statute should be read in light of ejusdem generis. The catchall word, fruit, presumably shouldn’t be read to cover all fruit, so you must decide what types of fruit aren’t covered. Here are some options:

    • The listed fruit, cherries, tomatoes, and cranberries, aren’t citrus, so no limes;
    • The listed fruit have skin that is normally eaten, so no pineapples;
    • The listed fruit are red, so no blueberries; or
    • The listed fruit are spherical, so no bananas.

    Which of these options is the right class? Which do you choose? Do you choose all of them?

    Wouldn’t it be better to avoid this guessing game?

    Sutherland’s Statutory Construction explains that ejusdem generis “expresses a meaningful insight about language usage that can be a relevant aid, if not a simple and certain exponent….”[1] When it passes a law, the General Assembly is trying to achieve a goal. Doesn’t this mean that the body wants as much certainty as possible?

    The concern isn’t whether the rule makes sense; the concern is that the rule is a wellspring of uncertainty.

    In Adam’s burglar case, the appeals court believed the statute applied to lockers, but the Colorado Supreme Court held that it didn’t. Regardless of what the General Assembly wanted, two courts came to opposite conclusions. Wouldn’t it be better to draft the statute so that both courts read the statute the same way?

    3.     Don’t Shroud the Law in A Mist; Do Away with The List!

    How should we improve the burglary statute? We can avoid the issue by not using a list:

    • If the intention is to make the burglary statute apply to lockers, then forgo the list. Write something like, “A person commits third degree burglary if, with intent to commit a crime, the person enters or breaks into a container used to store property.”
    • If the intention is, as the Colorado Supreme Court held, to apply only to a container that is used to store valuables, write something like, “A person commits third degree burglary if, with intent to commit a crime, the person enters or breaks into a container used to store money or valuable property.”

    The ambiguity is removed by redrafting the provision to get rid of the list.

    4.     Sometimes, A Belt and Suspenders Are Necessary.

    I imagine that every drafter at the Capitol has heard from a bill’s proponents that “We need a belt­-and-suspenders” provision. This is legislative shorthand for “we may need some redundancy.” In stakeholder negotiations, it is sometimes necessary to list an item or two in a statute to assuage the concerns of a nervous stakeholder.

    For example, a stakeholder may be worried that the word fruit won’t be read to include tomatoes and peppers. This is frequently what leads to phrases like tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit. Recall that ejusdem generis applies when a catchall follows a list, so the word fruit may be limited in some way to not apply to all fruit. Maybe a court will hold that the phrase tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit applies only to less-sweet fruit or, maybe, only to fruit that’s native to North America. If all fruit is meant to be covered, the phrase should be rewritten.

    This is when it makes sense to use the word including:

    To be imported into Colorado, fruit, including tomatoes and peppers, must be inspected by the commissioner of agriculture.

    This is better than tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit because courts usually hold that the words includes and including enlarge or extend rather than limit the general term. Here are some examples:

    One note of caution: it is possible to find cases where an including phrase has been held to be limiting out of a desire to give every word effect. An example is Shelby Cnty. State Bank v. Van Diest Supply Co. This case dealt with a lien on

    [A]ll inventory, including, but not limited to, agricultural chemicals, fertilizers, and fertilizer materials sold to Debtor ….”[Emphasis added.]

    In this case, the 7th circuit explained that:

    [I]t would be bizarre as a commercial matter to claim a lien in everything, and then to describe in detail only a smaller part of that whole. … But if all goods of any kind are to be included, why mention only a few? A court required to give “reasonable and effective meaning to all terms” must shy away from finding that a significant phrase (like the lengthy description of chemicals and fertilizers we have here) is nothing but surplusage.

    So the court did interpret the word including as limiting, and the judges didn’t care that the contract used the phrase but not limited to. Therefore, it is better to avoid using a list. But if that isn’t an option, then use an including phrase.

     


    [1] N. Singer, 2A Sutherland Statutory Construction § 47.07 (Seventh Edition)