Author: olls

  • Amendment Clerks: Who Are They and What Do They Do?

    by Faith Marcovecchio

    It’s Friday morning, and the Committee of the Whole is hearing the second reading of bills. As you glance at the next bill up, you realize you need an amendment. Quick—to the amendment clerk!

    But what is the amendment clerk?

    You’ll find this helpful person at the front of each chamber, at a small desk to the left of the dais. The amendment clerk is a nonpartisan staff member who can, in consultation with the drafter of the bill, draft quick, nonsubstantial amendments for members during second or third readings.

    In Colorado, the amendment clerk is an employee of the Office of Legislative Legal Services and can be either an attorney or a legislative editor who has other drafting and editing responsibilities. In other states, the position is similarly filled by an attorney from the state legislature’s drafting office, but amendment clerking is that attorney’s primary responsibility during session, not something he or she does in addition to drafting bills. And then there are states where floor amendments are drafted exclusively by the bill’s drafter—there is no amendment clerk at all.

    The Office of Legislative Legal Services took over staffing the amendment clerk desk in 1999. Previous to that, part-time House and Senate staff filled this role. However, it made sense for year-round staffers who were already drafting and editing legislation to also sit in this hot seat because of their understanding of the Colorado Revised Statutes and the General Assembly’s procedures, drafting style, and software.

    The amendment clerk desk can be a hive of activity during debate of complex or controversial bills, with legislators and staff vying for the amendment clerk’s time to draft member amendments, contact bill drafters, prepare Committee of the Whole amendments, or contact an attorney to clarify rules. It may be necessary, at times, for the amendment clerk to prioritize requests from legislators. For example, during second reading, the amendment clerk must prepare second reading amendments before Committee of the Whole amendments.

    With so many people tugging at the amendment clerk’s sleeve, there are several things legislators can do to get what they need from the amendment clerk in a timely fashion. If at all possible, members should contact the drafter of bill before the bill is on second reading to request and discuss the amendment. When making an amendment request on the floor during debate, members should provide as much time as possible for the drafter of the bill and the amendment clerk to prepare the amendment to ensure that the language and law are accurate. If there isn’t enough time, members may need to request a short recess while the amendment is being prepared. Another option to allow for the proper time to draft floor amendments, especially when multiple floor amendments are in play, is to ask the Majority Leader to lay the bill over until later in the day’s calendar or a later date.

    Beyond drafting short amendments, amendment clerks can assist members in several other ways. Need to speak to your drafter about a more complex amendment to a bill? The amendment clerk can quickly connect you to the attorney in question. Need a copy of one your bills? The clerk can print one for you. Wondering about particular language in existing statute or legislative rule? The clerk has the full Colorado Revised Statutes and legislative rules on hand and can look up what you need, provided it’s not too extensive. And throughout the proceedings, the amendment clerk is communicating what is happening on the floor in e-mails to the Office of Legislative Legal Services, Legislative Council Staff, and the Joint Budget Committee to help staff members from those agencies assist legislators in the chambers.

  • New Year, New Logo

    New Year, New Logo

    by Sarah Meisch

    The Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) has recently rolled out its first office-specific logo. This logo will be used on OLLS communications moving forward, including office letterhead, email signature blocks, envelopes, memo and legal opinion headers, business cards, and the OLLS website. The logo should make OLLS office communications with legislators and others more easily recognizable as coming from the OLLS.

    What is it?

    The OLLS has created a unique logo to represent the office, seeking to distinguish its role within the legislative department and better differentiate this role from the other legislative service agencies. The logo connects our professional responsibilities to the General Assembly with homages to the state of Colorado. The design features the Colorado “C” of the state flag, as well as a quill and book to symbolize the bill drafting and written legislative and legal research work performed by the office. The feather of the quill is that of our state bird, the lark bunting.

    How was it designed?

    Initially, the OLLS considered using customizable logo websites or soliciting designs from students in a local art program to design an OLLS-specific logo. It was determined, however, that Shannon Wheeler, an OLLS Legislative Editor, with her artistic background and knowledge of the role the OLLS plays in serving the legislature, was the perfect candidate to help with the in-house rebranding of the office. She illustrated several designs that incorporated books, governmental architecture, Colorado scenery, and the Colorado “C” for the office’s consideration. The OLLS Management team selected the final design, presented above, which has already been included in some OLLS staff emails and will soon be on office letterhead and business cards, and in other communications.

    We hope that you like our new logo as much as we do!

  • Beyond Bill and Amendment Drafting: Legal Services Available to You from the Nonpartisan OLLS Staff

    Beyond Bill and Amendment Drafting: Legal Services Available to You from the Nonpartisan OLLS Staff

    by Sharon Eubanks

    With the 2023 legislative session now underway, it is a good time to mention the various written materials and services that the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) can provide to you in addition to handling your bill and amendment requests. While you have already been interacting with the OLLS staff for your bill and amendment requests, please know that we can do so much more for you.

    As the General Assembly’s nonpartisan legal staff agency, the OLLS maintains an attorney-client relationship with the General Assembly, as an institution, and not with each legislator. Therefore, we are obligated to serve the best interests of the institutional client, the General Assembly, as distinguished from the individual interest of any legislator. When working individually with legislators, however, the OLLS staff, both attorneys and other professional staff, are statutorily bound to maintain the confidentiality of all bill and amendment requests before introduction, and we are ethically bound to maintain the confidentiality of the communications we have with each legislator, as a constituent of the institution.

    Being nonpartisan legislative staff also means that the OLLS aims to serve all legislators fairly and impartially, regardless of party or rank, and to ensure our work is objective, balanced, and accessible. Nonpartisanship provides the foundation for how the OLLS serves the General Assembly through our interactions with legislators, partisan staff, agency officials, lobbyists, and the public.

    In addition to our primary function of drafting bills, resolutions, and amendments, the OLLS staff, upon request, can provide legislators with written materials to help them understand Colorado law and what other states are doing to address various issues and to help them explain their bills. Due to time constraints created by bill and amendment drafting demands, which are our first priority during the legislative session, our staff may not always be able to respond immediately to every legislator’s request. But we do our best to provide the requested materials as quickly as possible and on a first-come, first-served basis. Examples of materials the OLLS can provide to you upon request include:

    • More detailed, written explanations of bills;
    • Summaries of changes made to a bill in committee, in the first house, or in the second house;
    • Tables comparing bill provisions;
    • Explanations of state or federal statutes;
    • Summaries of case law relevant to a bill;
    • Summaries of case law interpreting a particular statute or issue;
    • Legislative histories of issues or bills;
    • Legislative histories of constitutional or statutory provisions;
    • Comparisons of Colorado law with the law of other states on particular issues; and
    • Lists of all Colorado statutes addressing an issue.

    The OLLS also provides written legal opinions, including legal opinions on issues relating to pending legislation. We hold legal opinion requests in strictest confidence. We will not release a legal opinion to other persons without the permission of the legislator who requested it. But we will give the same answer if another legislator asks us the same question, which will result in identical legal opinions for different legislators.

    There are some limitations on the materials and services we can provide to legislators due to our role as nonpartisan staff. Examples of the documents and tasks that the OLLS staff cannot provide include:

    • Voting records on an issue or bill;
    • Talking points advocating for or opposing a policy position;
    • Conveying messages that encourage a legislator to vote for a bill or discourage a legislator from voting for a bill;
    • Soliciting legislators as joint prime sponsors, cosponsors, or second house sponsors;
    • Violating confidentiality, e.g., telling a legislator about amendments prepared for other legislators to the legislator’s bill, telling a legislator what another legislator said or told others about the legislator’s bill, or telling a legislator what legal advice our office gave another legislator;
    • Assisting a legislator in counting votes; and
    • Advocating for passage or defeat of legislation on policy or any other grounds.

    These lists illustrate the materials or services we can and cannot provide, but they are not exhaustive. If a legislator has a request for materials or assistance, please ask us. If it is something we can provide, we will. You can learn more about and make full use of the materials and services we can provide by visiting our web page.

    We are here to help legislators have a successful legislative session in 2023. Whether by phone, email, or an in-person visit to our main office in Room 091 on the ground floor of the Capitol, we encourage you to fully utilize the OLLS staff for all of your needs during the session, not just for bill and amendment drafting.

     

     

     

  • New and Improved Senate Chamber Ready for Prime Time

    New and Improved Senate Chamber Ready for Prime Time

    by Katelyn Guderian

    As the 2022 interim comes to a close, so too does the last chapter of renovations to the Senate Chamber here at the Capitol.

    When the 2022 legislative session ended back in May, there wasn’t much time for resting before extensive changes to the Senate Chamber began. Since the official kick-off meeting to plan the renovations on June 17, the newly renovated Senate Chamber has undergone significant structural and cosmetic changes.

    Almost six months to the day since this leg of the project began, construction crews are wrapping up the final touches in the new and improved Senate Chamber just in time for the beginning of the 2023 session next month.

    Old Becomes New

    In an effort to modernize and upgrade the Chamber while preserving the original character and historical uniqueness, renovation crews relied on a mixture of both old and new ideas to make the updated Senate Chamber a reality. And when you’re talking about a room that’s approaching its 130th birthday, there was a lot to be done!

    Beginning in January 2023, visitors to the Senate Chamber will probably discover a space that looks and feels very familiar with a handful of noticeable changes, such as the new elevated and relocated “well”, or speaking area for Senators, and the larger and more ergonomic amendment clerk desk. The updates have left the Chamber looking like a newer, shinier, brighter version of itself, while also improving safety and accessibility for those who conduct their business within its walls.

    Blending the old with the new in a building as ornate as the Capitol was not without challenges, but the renovations allowed crews to improve upon existing and beloved structures within the Chamber. Highlights included restoring all 35 Senator desks and the Senate Staff front desk, which were all original to the space; polishing and restoring all existing brass fixtures; updating the Senate lobby, including adding a new President’s Marble; carefully replicating the original filigree stenciling on the Chamber walls; sandblasting and painting the metal vents; and preserving a long-forgotten nineteenth-century rug that lay quietly for decades underneath the historic bill safe.

    Renovating the Chamber’s Floors

    Arguably, the largest change to the Chamber is one that most visitors will never see: a completely renovated floor and sub-floor. One of the primary motivations behind this round of updates to the Chamber was to make the room more resistant to fire, and construction crews accomplished this through several months of diligent efforts and precise “floor work”.

    Once a team of movers took all the desks out of the Chamber in early July, it became possible to begin the massive task of removing, updating, and reapplying the materials that make up the Senate’s large floor.

    OLLS staff and all who visited the Capitol over the summer will likely remember the extensive scaffolding on the south side of the building that was present throughout the warmer months. Construction crews used this scaffolding to support a “rubbish chute” made of linked trash cans so they could more efficiently remove debris and trash from the Chamber during the project.

    What, exactly, had to be done? First, contractors carefully removed the original floorboards, made of Douglas fir, as well as the three inches of unexpected concrete they found underneath. These workers then spent approximately the next month reinforcing and rebuilding the sub-floor using steel joists and new concrete panels before carefully replacing the top layer of flooring.

    In addition to its reinforced floor and new out-of-sight sub-floor, the Chamber now contains new carpet that very closely resembles the pattern and color of the original carpet. The room is still predominantly red and gold and will feel much like it did during the 2022 session, but those who look closely will notice the beauty in the details brought out by months of hard work over the summer and fall.

    One hidden feature is a time capsule that Senate Staff carefully prepared and that the renovation crew placed in a corner of the Chamber deep below the new carpet. Newspapers and miscellaneous items from 2022 will help freeze time inside the capsule and, decades or even centuries into the future when the Senate floor is renovated once more, crews will discover a new piece of Colorado history.

    An Improved Audio Experience

    While the Chamber floor was undergoing renovations, the construction team also made significant updates to the access points for the AV and IT systems that run throughout the new flooring system. Future maintenance and updates should prove much easier than in the past as a result of the renovations, and those using hearing aids will also have an easier time listening to floor proceedings during future sessions.

    A “hearing loop” system now exists within the floor structure in the Senate Chamber, and this loop will provide an improved listening experience for all users with a T-Coil feature on their hearing aid. Going forward, compatible hearing aids will also have the functionality to stream audio during session straight from the Senate using an app.

    Paving the Way for Future Sessions

    As the decade-long series of renovations in the Senate Chamber winds down, Senate staff are excited and hopeful about how the changes will improve time spent in the Chamber for years to come. The space is now more fireproof, more accessible for those with disabilities, and more modern from the inside out.

    From the more efficient electrical setup and the 2022 time capsule that now both live beneath the floor to the sparkling golden fixtures throughout, the renovated Senate Chamber honors the Colorado Capitol’s architectural history while making room for a smoother, more modern and streamlined user experience during future sessions.

  • A Holiday Message

    Wishing you a safe and happy holiday season!

  • Bill Sponsor Basics – an Overview

    Bill Sponsor Basics – an Overview

    by Jennifer Gilroy, Michael Dohr, and Jessica Chapman

    Editor’s note: This article was originally written by Patti Dahlberg and Jennifer Gilroy and published on December 22, 2016. The article has been edited and updated.

    Bill requests are coming in hot here at the OLLS and drafting season is well underway. That means now is probably a good time to review some of the basics of bill sponsorship.

    Bill Sponsor Basics

    Prime Sponsorship – First House. The legislator who introduces and carries a bill is called the prime sponsor of the bill. Bills cannot be introduced without a prime sponsor. Every bill must have at least one prime sponsor in each chamber (or house) before it can be heard in both chambers. In both the House and the Senate, the prime sponsor (and joint prime sponsor if there is one) is responsible for explaining the bill in committee and in debate on the House or Senate floor. A prime sponsor also typically arranges for witnesses to testify in favor of the bill in committee.

    A legislator can be the first house prime or joint prime sponsor for only five bills, unless the legislator has special permission from the committee on delayed bills (leadership) to carry more. But a legislator can agree to be the prime or joint prime sponsor of a bill in the second house on as many bills as the legislator wants.

    Prime Sponsorship – Second House. The prime sponsor in the first house (also known as the house of introduction) is responsible for asking a legislator in the second (or opposite) house to carry the bill in that house. The prime sponsor in the first house does not have to identify a second house prime sponsor before the bill is introduced in the first house, but the bill must have a second house prime sponsor before the bill can be heard on third reading in the first house.

    Before a bill can move to the second house, the second house prime sponsor must inform the House Chief Clerk or the Secretary of the Senate of that legislator’s intent to serve as the second house prime sponsor. Prime sponsors’ names in both houses are listed on the bill in bold text.

    Sponsorship and Co-sponsorship. When legislators want to show support for a bill, but not take on the responsibility of actually carrying the bill, they may sign on as sponsors or co-sponsors of the bill. If a legislator adds the legislator’s name to a bill before it is introduced, the legislator is a sponsor of the bill. If a legislator adds the legislator’s name to a bill after it is introduced, the legislator is referred to as a co-sponsor. Co-sponsors are added immediately following adoption of a bill on third reading.

    Joint Prime Sponsorship

    Joint Prime Sponsorship. When two legislators in one house want to carry a bill together, we refer to them as joint prime sponsors. A bill that has joint prime sponsors in one house may or may not have joint prime sponsors in the other house. The rules for joint prime sponsorship are similar for the House (House Rule 27A(b)) and the Senate (Senate Rule 24A(b)).

    Joint prime sponsorship counts against both legislators’ five-bill limit in the first house. Both joint prime sponsors must verify their desire to be joint prime sponsors. A legislator cannot be added as a joint prime sponsor in the first house if that legislator has already submitted five bill requests, unless that legislator has received permission from leadership. The prime sponsor in the first house must notify the House Chief Clerk or the Secretary of the Senate, as appropriate, of any changes in bill sponsorship so that the changes are reflected in subsequent versions of the bill.

    Joint prime sponsorship does not count against the five-bill limit for either legislator in the second house. Again, both joint prime sponsors must verify their desire to be joint prime sponsors.

    Joint prime sponsors are typically determined prior to the bill’s introduction. However, in limited circumstances, joint prime sponsors may be added or changed after introduction immediately after second reading but prior to adoption of the bill on third reading. The House and Senate front desk staff can help with this process.

    Bill Sponsor FAQs:

    How do I add sponsors to my bill before it is introduced?

    Before your bill is introduced you can invite other legislators to be sponsors on your bill via the Electronic Sponsorship feature in iLegislate. Electronic Sponsorship operates similarly to an Evite: You may invite legislators to sponsor your bills and you may share draft files with them. Those legislators may choose whether they want to be a sponsor on your bill. If a legislator wants to be a sponsor on your bill but is not able to indicate that through iLegislate and the bill is still in the Office of Legislative Legal Services’ (OLLS) possession, the legislator may simply notify the OLLS in person, by phone, or by email that the legislator would like to be a sponsor on another legislator’s bill. A legislator may not be added to one of your bills as a sponsor without that legislator’s permission and a legislator will not be added to your bill without your permission. Once your bill is delivered by the OLLS to your chamber’s front desk, the OLLS cannot add any more sponsors. (In special circumstances, the House or Senate front desk staff may be able to add sponsors before a bill is printed, but you must contact your chamber’s front desk staff to see if this special circumstance exists.)

    The OLLS will deliver your prefile bill (your first bill to be introduced) directly to the House or Senate front desk because that bill must be introduced on the first day of session. The OLLS will deliver your other bills to the front desk or to you, as you direct. Do not contact the OLLS to add sponsors after your bill has been delivered to the front desk or to you. Once a bill is delivered, all sponsor additions or changes must go through House or Senate staff.

    How do I add sponsors to my bill after it is delivered for introduction?

    If you direct the OLLS drafter to deliver your bill (other than your prefile bill) to you personally and not your chamber’s front desk, the OLLS staff will give the bill to the sergeants who will then deliver it to you. If the bill is delivered to you prior to its introduction deadline you can show it to other legislators and have them sign the sponsor form attached to the bill or go through iLegislate. The bill delivered to you will include a sponsor form stapled to a heavier sheet of green paper (if you’re a Representative) or cream-colored paper (if you’re a Senator). This is called a bill back. Please do not separate the bill from the bill back and sponsor form.

    After you give the bill back (and attachments) to the front desk, the front desk staff will review the sponsor form and add the names of those legislators who have signed the form indicating their desire to be sponsors of your bill. These sponsor names will appear on the introduced version of the bill. Sponsors cannot be added to your bill after the front desk has sent it out for printing. After your bill has been introduced, however, other legislators may add their names as co-sponsors following passage of your bill on third reading.

    Feel free to contact the OLLS front office, your drafters, or the House and Senate front desks with any questions regarding bill sponsorship. You may contact the OLLS staff to inquire about sponsorship prior to your bill being delivered to the House or Senate for introduction, at (303) 866-2045 or olls.ga@coleg.gov. Once your bill has been delivered for introduction, you may contact the House or Senate front desk staff with your sponsorship questions.

  • Different Roles Under One Dome: An Analysis of Partisan and Nonpartisan Legislative Staff

    by Alana Rosen

    As we quickly approach the New Year and the 2023 legislative session, the Colorado Capitol will soon be filled with legislators, partisan legislative staff, nonpartisan legislative staff, executive agency officials, lobbyists, and the public. With so many individuals in the building, you may be asking yourself, “What is the difference between partisan and nonpartisan legislative staff if they all serve the Colorado General Assembly?”

    Partisan legislative staff work for or strongly support one side, party, or legislator. In Colorado, the House of Representatives and the Senate each have a Democratic and Republican caucus staff made up of partisan legislative aides, interns, and staff. Partisan staff work to advance the policy agenda of a legislator or that person’s caucus, as well as assist with requests from constituents. Partisan staff are more likely to discuss political and personal beliefs in the workplace.

    Nonpartisan legislative staff, on the other hand, aim to serve all legislators impartially— regardless of party—ensuring their work is objective, balanced, and accessible. To fulfill this function properly, nonpartisan staff must provide the highest level of service to all members, under all circumstances, so the General Assembly feels confident in their impartiality. When nonpartisan staff participate in partisan political activities, public confidence in the legislative process can be undermined by creating a perception that nonpartisan staff may not provide the unbiased support necessary to enable the General Assembly to make informed decisions that best serve the public interest.

    Nonpartisan legislative staff have a compelling interest to protect both the actual and perceived integrity of the legislative process by placing narrowly tailored restrictions on employees’ political activities. For this reason, nonpartisan staff are prohibited from fundraising for a partisan candidate, making political contributions, actively participating in the campaign of a partisan candidate, actively participating in a political party or organization, or running for political office. Additionally, nonpartisan staff do not discuss politics or personal beliefs with legislators, partisan legislative staff, executive agency officials, lobbyists, or the public.

    During the interview process, prospective staff are often asked extensive questions regarding their ability to be nonpartisan and whether they have any reservations about being nonpartisan. It is a code of conduct that nonpartisan staff adopt in order to serve the legislature fairly and impartially.

    You may now be wondering, “Who are the nonpartisan staff so I can avoid engaging them in political discussions?” In addition to your nonpartisan Senate Services staff and staff of the House of Representative, there are four nonpartisan legislative agencies created in state law that serve the Colorado General Assembly with oversight from a legislative committee : the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS), Legislative Council Staff (LCS), Joint Budget Committee Staff (JBC), and the Office of the State Auditor (OSA).[1]

    The OLLS is the nonpartisan in-house counsel for the General Assembly. Among its many tasks, the OLLS writes laws, produces statutes, reviews administrative rules, comments on initiated measures, and serves as a resource of legislative information for the public.

    The LCS is the permanent research staff of the General Assembly, providing public policy research at the request of the members. The LCS provides support to legislative committees, responds to requests for research and constituent services, prepares fiscal notes, provides economic and revenue forecasts, and performs other centralized legislative support services.

    The JBC is the General Assembly’s permanent fiscal and budget review agency. The JBC writes the annual appropriations bill, also known as the Long Bill, for the operations of state government. The JBC is charged with analyzing the management, operations, programs, and fiscal needs of the departments of state government and makes recommendations to the members of the General Assembly as they build the state’s budget.

    The OSA seeks to hold state government agencies accountable through performance, financial, and information technology audits of all state departments, colleges, and universities. Audits provide solution-based recommendations that focus on reducing costs, increasing efficiency, promoting the achievement of legislative intent, improving effectiveness of programs and the quality of services, ensuring transparency in government, and ensuring the accuracy and integrity of financial information to hold government agencies accountable for the use of public resources.

    With so many new members in the General Assembly this year, a clearer understanding of the differences between the roles of partisan and nonpartisan legislative staff is helpful as we enter the 2023 legislative session. If you’re a new legislator and have questions, please feel free to contact the OLLS at 303-866-2045 or olls.ga@coleg.gov.

     


    [1] See article 3 of title 2, Colorado Revised Statutes.

  • Happy Thanksgiving!

    Happy Thanksgiving from the Office of Legislative Legal Services

     

  • High School Football Prayer Gets the Ultimate Replay Review

    By Alana Rosen

    Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, 597 U.S. ___ (2022).

    In many states, high school football is seen almost as an unofficial religion. On June 27, 2022, the United States Supreme Court brought high school football and religion even closer by announcing its decision in favor of Mr. Joseph Kennedy in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District.

    Mr. Kennedy worked as a football coach for Bremerton High School in Washington State from 2008 to 2015. Since his hiring in 2008, Mr. Kennedy engaged in a practice of “taking a knee at the fifty-yard line to say a quiet prayer at the end of football games for about 30-seconds.” Initially, Mr. Kennedy prayed on his own but, over time, some players asked whether they could pray alongside him. Some players invited opposing players to join too. Mr. Kennedy began giving motivational speeches, with a helmet held aloft, and would deliver speeches with “overtly religious references,” which Mr. Kennedy described as prayers, while players kneeled around him. On September 17, 2015, after learning of the post-game prayers, the Bremerton School District (District) asked Mr. Kennedy to stop the practice of incorporating religious references or prayer in his post-game motivational talks on the field because the District did not want to violate the Establishment Clause. [1]

    On October 14, 2015, Mr. Kennedy sent a letter to school officials through his attorney, stating that he would resume his practice of praying at the 50-yard line because he felt “compelled” by his “sincerely-held religious beliefs” to offer a “post-game personal prayer.” He asked the District to allow him to continue the “private religious expression” alone and stated that he would wait until the game was over and the players had left the field.

    Thereafter, Mr. Kennedy and his attorney had a back-and-forth with the school district. Mr. Kennedy wanted to exercise his sincerely-held religious beliefs to offer a post-game prayer and the school expressed concern that such a prayer would lead a reasonable observer to think that he was endorsing prayer while on duty as a District employee. The District also offered accommodations for religious exercise that would not be perceived as endorsing religion or interfere with his job performance.

    Undeterred, Mr. Kennedy continued to pray at the 50-yard line while post-game activities were still ongoing, and as a result, the District placed him on paid administrative leave for violating its directives by thrice kneeling on the field and praying immediately following games before rejoining the players for post-game talks. On August 9, 2016, Mr. Kennedy filed suit in the Western District of Washington contending that the District violated his rights under the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment.

    In this case, the United States Supreme Court considered whether a public school employee who says a brief, quiet prayer while at school and visible to students is engaged in government speech, which is not protected by the First Amendment. And whether, assuming that such religious expression is private and protected by the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses, the Establishment Clause compels public schools to prohibit religious expression.

    Since the founding of this country, the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment—the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause—have been understood to jointly demand government neutrality towards religion. The Free Exercise Clause recognizes the right to believe and practice a faith, or not. The Establishment Clause prohibits the government from making any law “respecting an establishment of religion.” The Free Speech Clause protects religious speech.

    A plaintiff bears a certain burden to demonstrate an infringement of rights under the Free Exercise and Free Speech Clauses. In this case, the Court held that Mr. Kennedy discharged his burdens under the Free Exercise Clause and the Free Speech Clause, which were “sincerely motivated religious exercises.”

    To determine whether the government violated the Free Exercise Clause, the Court considered whether a government policy is neutral and generally applicable. Justice Gorsuch, writing for the six-member majority, stated that a government policy will not qualify as neutral if it is specifically directed at a religious practice. Additionally, a government policy will fail the general applicability requirement if the policy prohibits religious conduct while permitting secular conduct that undermines the government’s asserted interests in a similar way or if it provides a mechanism for individualized exemptions.

    Here, the Court determined that the District’s challenged policies were neither neutral nor generally applicable. The Court held that the District’s policy was not neutral towards religious conduct. The Court further held that the District’s challenged policy failed the general applicability test because the District had advised against renewing Mr. Kennedy’s contract because he “failed to supervise student-athletes after the game.” The Court noted that any sort of post-game supervision requirement must be applied evenly across the board, and while other coaching staff briefly visited with friends or took personal calls, Mr. Kennedy chose to briefly pray at the 50-yard line.

    The Court then analyzed whether the District violated Mr. Kennedy’s freedom of speech. The Court held that Mr. Kennedy offered his prayers in his capacity as a private citizen, which did not amount to government speech because the prayers were not ordinarily within the scope of Mr. Kennedy’s duties as a coach. To come to this conclusion, the Court applied the Pickering Garcettitwo-step test.[2] The first step of the test is to determine whether a public employee is speaking as a the public employee doing official duties or whether the public employee is speaking as a citizen addressing a matter of public concern. The second step of the test is that the government may seek to prove that its interests as an employer outweigh an employee’s private speech as a matter of public concern.

    In applying the “Pickering-Garcetti” test, the Court first determined Mr. Kennedy was speaking as a private citizen as “Mr. Kennedy’s prayers did not ‘owe [their] existence’ to Mr. Kennedy’s responsibilities as a public employee.” The Court stated that the timing and circumstances of Mr. Kennedy’s prayers confirm this point because the prayer was conducted during the post-game period. Justice Gorsuch stated that “[t]eachers and coaches served as vital role models, but [the District’s] argument commits the error of positing an excessively broad job description by treating everything teachers and coaches say in the workplace as government speech subject to government control.” In the dissent, however, Justice Sotomayor argued that Mr. Kennedy was on the job as a school official on government property when he incorporated a public, demonstrative prayer into government-sponsored school related events as a regularly scheduled feature to those events.

    The District argued that it was essential to suspend Mr. Kennedy to avoid violations of the Establishment Clause and relied on the Lemon test—a three-step test established in Lemon v. Kurtzmann—and its progeny to determine Establishment Clause violations. [3] Justice Gorsuch, however, said that the Court had abandoned Lemon and the related endorsement test. The Court argued that these tests invited chaos and led to differing results in materially identifiable cases. Instead, in place of Lemon, the Court instructed that the Establishment Clause must be interpreted by “reference to historical practices and understandings.” Justice Sotomayor questioned the Court’s new “history and tradition” test because the Court did not provide guidance on how to apply the test, potentially causing confusion to school administrators, faculty, and staff trying to implement it.

    What does Kennedy mean for Colorado?

    Right now, it is unclear how Kennedy will affect Colorado and education law. While teachers or school personnel could bring forth similar arguments for their religious conduct, courts will ultimately have to determine what the “history and tradition” test is in order to answer whether religious conduct violates the Establishment Clause. Because the Court did not provide guidance on how to apply the “history and tradition” test, it will be up to the lower courts to decide.

     


    [1] The Establishment Clause prohibits the government from making any law “respecting an establishment of religion” and it bars the government from taking sides in religious disputes or favoring or disfavoring anyone based on religion or belief (or lack thereof).

    [2] Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S. 410 (2006) (holding the First Amendment does not prohibit managerial discipline of public employees for making statements pursuant to employees’ official duties); Pickering v. Bd. of Ed. of Township High Sch. Dist. 205 Will Cty., 391 U.S. 563 (1968) (holding a teacher’s right to speak on issues of public importance may not furnish the basis for his dismissal from public employment).

    [3] Lemon v. Kurtzman, 401 U.S. 602 (1971) (establishing a three-part test to determine First Amendment Establishment Clause violations).

  • Remarks on the “Unremarkable” Carson v. Makin

    by Jacob Baus

    “Unremarkable”

    Is this a judgmental slight from Downton Abbey’s Mr. Carson, or a harsh but fair critique from TV personality Carson Kressley? Neither! This is how U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts described the holding in a recent case, Carson v. Makin.

    The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution states, in part, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; . . .”, and these clauses are commonly referred to as the Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause. Carson is the latest case concerning the provision of public money to a religious-affiliated school and how states have attempted to navigate the issue with respect to these clauses.

    Maine is a sparsely populated state, and many of its school districts do not operate a secondary school. Consequently, Maine created a tuition assistance program for families whose resident school district does not provide a secondary school education. An eligible family chooses a school, and the resident school district sends tuition assistance payments to the school, if the school is eligible.

    To be eligible, a school must satisfy certain education-related requirements, may be public or private, and must be nonreligious. Maine excluded religious schools from the program based on a position that the provision of public money to religious schools violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. Eligible families sued Maine’s Commissioner of Education, arguing the program’s nonreligious requirement violated the Free Exercise, Establishment, and Equal Protection Clauses of the U.S. Constitution.

    Applying principles from the related Trinity Lutheran Church of Columbia, Inc. v. Comer and Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue cases, the Court arrived at a similar conclusion in Carson; that is, excluding religious schools from program eligibility because of their religious character violates the Free Exercise Clause. This reliance on consistent and recent precedent may explain why Chief Justice Roberts found the conclusion in this case to be unremarkable. Nevertheless, the Court addressed a few significant considerations and arguments in reaching its conclusion.

    First, the Court noted that the flow of public funds to a religious institution through the independent choice of a benefit recipient does not offend the Establishment Clause. Consequently, excluding religious schools from program eligibility promotes stricter separation between church and state than the Establishment Clause requires. And, the Court continued, a state’s interest in separating church and state further than the Establishment Clause requires is not sufficiently compelling in this case to justify a Free Exercise Clause violation to deny a public benefit because of religious character.

    Second, Maine argued that the benefit at issue was providing the “rough equivalent of a public school education” and therefore must be secular. The Court rejected this argument, citing numerous facts about the program undermining this assertion. The Court ultimately concluded that the only real manner in which an eligible private school is the “equivalent” of a public school under the program is that it must be secular, thereby supporting the Court’s position that the program excludes based upon religious character.

    Third, Maine argued that the nonreligious requirement was not religious character-based, but rather religious use-based. Maine argued that because religion permeates everything a religious school does, the nonreligious requirement was effectively use-based and therefore permissible. Maine argued this distinction because the Court has previously held that a state’s religious use-based exclusion was constitutionally permissible.[1] The Court rejected this argument, concluding that a prohibition on character-based discrimination is not grounds for engaging in use-based discrimination.

    What does Carson mean for Colorado?

    Nothing in the Carson decision requires Colorado to provide public money to support private schools. The Carson decision reaffirms an important point of clarity from the Espinoza decision:

    [A] State need not subsidize private education. But once a State decides to do so, it cannot disqualify some private schools solely because they are religious.

    It is not novel to state that the General Assembly must be cautious if a public program or benefit appears to categorically exclude a religious school or institution. It appears from Carson, Espinoza, and Trinity, that the Court is likely inclined to find that religious exclusions are character-based, and therefore in violation of the Free Exercise Clause, even if a state has a no-aid provision similar to article IX, section 7 of the Colorado Constitution.

    Although it is always difficult to predict what happens next, the Court will likely have future opportunities to examine whether there is a meaningful constitutional distinction between exclusions that are character-based versus use-based in nature and how states should consider issues that fall in an often-found tension between the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses.

     


    [1] Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712 (2004) (A publicly funded Washington scholarship excluded the use of the scholarship for a degree in theology. The United States Supreme Court concluded the exclusion was not unconstitutional.)