Author: olls

  • Legislative Council Reviews and Approves 2018 Interim Committee Bills – Part I

    Since July, several legislative interim study committees met to hear testimony from experts and discuss policy issues that the Legislative Council prioritized for study last spring.  On Monday, October 15, the Legislative Council met to consider the bills recommended to them by these study committees. This week and next we will provide a summary of those bills that the Legislative Council approved.

    Before summarizing bills, we note that of the 13 prioritized committees, one – the Legislative Interim Committee on School Finance – is exempted by statute from the requirement to obtain approval of the Legislative Council to introduce its bills; and the Legislative Interim Workplace Study Committee must submit its recommendations to the Executive Committee. Accordingly, these committees met, but neither of them recommended bills to the Legislative Council.

    Alternatives to the Gallagher Amendment Interim Study Committee

    The Alternatives to the Gallagher Amendment Interim Study Committee met a total of five times over the 2018 interim, including one meeting in Glenwood Springs and one meeting in Pueblo. The committee had discussions with representatives of local fire, library, and water districts and county commissioners, as well as heard public testimony from the state’s small business community, regarding the impact of the Gallagher Amendment and the financial burden experienced as a result.

    At its final hearing on October 3, 2018, the committee considered seven bills and recommended three of them to the Legislative Council. At the Legislative Council meeting on October 15, 2018, the Council voted to introduce Bill B only:

    Bill B: Concerning the establishment of regional residential assessment rates.
    In response to contrasting residential property values across the state, the bill establishes eight regions in the state (according to the regions managed by the regional offices within the division of local government in the department of local affairs as of January 1, 2019) that the property tax administrator is then required to determine the residential assessment rate for, as opposed to the state-wide residential assessment rate currently required by law.

    To review the bills recommended by the Alternatives to the Gallagher Amendment Interim Study Committee, including those not approved by the Legislative Council, please visit the committee’s website. For questions concerning the legislation, please contact Ed DeCecco.

    Water Resources Review Committee

    The Water Resources Review Committee met six times during the 2018 interim. At the September 27, 2018, meeting, the committee considered and voted on five bill drafts and two joint memorial drafts that committee members requested in August. Pursuant to section 37-98-103 (1), C.R.S., a two-thirds majority of the Water Resources Review Committee members must vote to report a bill draft to the Legislative Council. Although the committee voted to report both of the joint memorial drafts to the Legislative Council, only two of the five bill drafts were approved by the necessary two-thirds majority of the committee.

    Bill A: Concerning the Republican river water conservation district, and, in connection therewith, expanding the boundaries of the district and adjusting the meeting schedule of the district’s board of directors.
    The boundaries of the Republican river water conservation district are currently established by statute as certain counties and portions of counties that are within the Republican river basin. The bill expands the boundaries by including in the district areas where groundwater pumping depletes the flow of the Republican river as contemplated by applicable United States Supreme Court case law. The composition of the district’s board of directors is adjusted accordingly. Current law requires the Republican river water conservation district board of directors to conduct regular quarterly meetings in January, April, July, and October. The bill changes these months to February, May, August, and November.

    Bill B: Concerning the methodology to distribute money in the severance tax operational fund after core departmental programs are funded without changing the transfers to the natural resources and energy grant programs.
    Money in the severance tax operational fund (operational fund) is primarily used for two purposes. The general assembly annually appropriates money from the operational fund for several core departmental programs, which were previously described as “tier-one programs”. If money remains after these appropriations and after a reserve requirement for the core departmental programs is satisfied, then the state treasurer transfers money to an array of funds that support natural resources and energy grant programs, which were previously described as “tier-two programs”. There is also a requirement that the reserve include an amount equal to 15% of the maximum transfers to natural resources and energy grant programs required by law, and this reserve is used for the transfers, if necessary. The bill changes the distribution of the money in the operational fund as follows:

    • Separates the reserve into the core reserve and the grant program reserve, while maintaining the overall purpose of each reserve;
    • Increases the maximum grant program reserve to 100% of the maximum transfers to the natural resources and energy grant programs required by law, which currently is equal to $36,378,072;
    • Requires the state treasurer to make the transfers to the natural resources and energy grant programs on August 15 after a fiscal year and to base the transfers on actual revenue as opposed to estimated revenue. Money from the grant program reserve may be used for these transfers; and
    • If all of the appropriations and transfers have been made and both reserves are full, then the state treasurer is required to transfer any money remaining in the operational fund to the severance tax perpetual base fund.

    Joint Memorial A: Concerning memorializing the United States Congress to fulfill the commitment of the federal government to provide funding for the Arkansas Valley Conduit project.
    This Senate joint memorial asks the United States Congress to fulfill its commitment to provide funding for the Arkansas Valley Conduit project, which was authorized by Congress as part of the Fryingpan-Arkansas Project in 1962 as a means to address water quality and availability issues in the Arkansas River basin east of Pueblo but was never built, largely because of the inability of participants to repay construction costs.

    Joint Memorial B: Concerning memorializing the United States Congress to enact legislation directing the United States Army Corps of Engineers, in conjunction and cooperation with the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District, to dredge a portion of the Arkansas River.
    This Senate joint memorial asks the United States Congress to immediately enact legislation that directs the United States Army Corps of Engineers, in conjunction and cooperation with the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District, to dredge a portion of the Lower Arkansas River from below the Fort Lyons diversion to the John Martin Reservoir, including a “pinch point” through which the river passes as it traverses between the towns of La Junta, on the south bank, and North La Junta, on the north bank.

    To review the bills and memorials recommended by the Water Resources Review Committee, please visit the committee’s website. For questions concerning the legislation, please contact Thomas Morris, Jennifer Berman, or Richard Sweetman.

    Wildfire Matters Review Committee

    The Wildfire Matters Review Committee held four hearings during the 2018 legislative interim. During these hearings, the committee heard from public and private agencies and organizations on the front lines of wildfire prevention and mitigation in Colorado, including the Division of Fire Prevention and Control within the Department of Public Safety, the United States Forest Service, the Colorado State Forest Service (CSFS), the Colorado Division of Insurance, public utilities, the Colorado State Fire Chiefs, and the Colorado Sheriff’s Association. Over the course of its hearings, the committee heard presentations on such topics as the use of drones in fire suppression, the role of forest management in mitigating wildfire risk, the condition of the state’s timber industry, incentives from insurers and local governments to assist in fire mitigation efforts, the effects of the Gallagher Amendment on local fire-fighting resources, the efforts of utilities to make their systems more resistant to natural disasters, and partnerships the CSFS has entered into with other stakeholders to improve wildfire fighting and mitigation efforts.

    At its final meeting, the committee voted to recommend four bills to the Legislative Council, three of which were approved.

    Bill A: Concerning development of a system to patrol the airspace above wildland fires.
    This bill requires the center of excellence for advanced technology aerial firefighting, subject to available appropriations, to study and, if feasible, implement a system to patrol the airspace above a wildland fire.

    Bill B: Concerning measures to mitigate the effects of wildfires within wildland-urban interface areas, and, in connection therewith, creating a state grant program to promote forest management fuels reduction projects in such areas.
    This bill creates a state grant program that the CSFS will administer to fund proactive forest management fuels reduction projects to reduce the impacts to life, property, and critical infrastructure caused by wildfires. Groups of individual landowners whose land is in an area covered by a community wildfire protection plan are eligible to apply for a grant award. The bill specifies requirements pertaining to the evaluation of grant proposals. The CSFS must select the proposals that will receive funding, administer the grant program, and develop procedures by which applicants will apply for grants. The bill imposes a monetary limit on the amount of a grant and requires a grant applicant to demonstrate an available amount of matching funds to be awarded a grant. The bill requires the CSFS to report annually to the general assembly on the number, location, and benefits of all projects for which a grant award is made.

    Bill D: Concerning the power of a county to restrict the use of fireworks during the period between May 31 and July 5 of any year.
    Under current law, a county may prohibit or restrict by ordinance the sale, use, and possession of fireworks, including permissible fireworks (fireworks restrictions), for a period that does not exceed one year in length within all or any part of the unincorporated areas of the county; except that the county may not have such an ordinance in effect between May 31 and July 5 of any year unless the ordinance includes an express finding of high fire danger, based on competent evidence. The bill specifies that such an ordinance is in effect for the period between May 31 and July 5 of any year only if the county adopts by resolution such fireworks restrictions for such period, which resolution includes an express finding of high fire danger, based on competent evidence.

    The bill also adds as a source of competent evidence justifying a finding of high fire danger predictions of future fire danger such as those issued by the national interagency coordination center or any successor entity.

    To review the bills and memorials recommended by the Wildfire Matters Review Committee, please visit the committee’s website. For questions concerning the legislation, please contact Bob Lackner or Megan Waples.

    Opioid and Other Substance Use Disorders Study Committee

    The Opioid and Other Substance Use Disorders Study Committee met five times over the interim and heard from state agencies and officials and stakeholders representing all aspects of the substance use disorder crisis. The committee also held several stakeholder meetings to discuss potential legislation. The committee requested the drafting of five bills and voted to advance all five bills to Legislative Council. Of the five bills recommended, the Legislative Council approved two:

    Bill B: Concerning supports for persons recovering from substance use disorders, and, in connection therewith, expanding a program in the department of local affairs that provides vouchers for housing assistance to certain individuals, requiring each recovery residence operating in Colorado to be licensed by the department of public health and environment, and creating the opioid crisis recovery fund.
    The bill:

    • Expands the housing voucher program currently within the department of local affairs to include individuals with a substance use disorder and appropriates $4.3 million each of the next 5 fiscal years to support the program;
    • Requires each recovery residence operating in Colorado to be licensed by the department of public health and environment; and
    • Creates the opioid crisis recovery fund for money the state receives as settlement or damage awards resulting from opioid-related litigation.

    Bill E: Concerning treatment of individuals with substance use disorders who come into contact with the criminal justice system, and, in connection therewith, making an appropriation.
    The bill:

    • Requires the Colorado commission on criminal and juvenile justice to study and make recommendations concerning:
      • Alternatives to filing criminal charges against individuals with substance use disorders who have been arrested for drug-related offenses;
      • Best practices for investigating unlawful opioid distribution in Colorado; and
      • A process for automatically sealing criminal records for drug offense convictions.
    • Requires the department of corrections (DOC) to allow medication-assisted treatment to be provided to persons who were receiving treatment in a local jail prior to being transferred to the custody of the DOC. The DOC may enter into agreements with community agencies and organizations to assist in the development and administration of medication-assisted treatment.
    • Contains a legislative declaration that the substance abuse trend and response task force should formulate a response to current and emerging substance abuse problems from the criminal justice, prevention, and treatment sectors that includes the use of drop-off treatment services, mobile and walk-in crisis centers, and withdrawal management programs as an alternative to entry into the criminal justice system for offenders of low-level drug offenses.
    • Directs the department of health care policy and financing to seek federal authorization under the Medicaid program for treatment of substance use disorders for persons confined in jails.
    • Creates a simplified process for sealing convictions for level 4 drug felonies, all drug misdemeanors, and any offense committed prior to October 1, 2013, that would have been a level 4 drug felony or drug misdemeanor if committed on or after October 1, 2013. A defendant may file a motion to seal records three years or more after final disposition of the criminal proceedings. Conviction records may be sealed only after a hearing and upon court order.
    • Requires jails that receive funding through the jail-based behavioral health services program to allow medication-assisted treatment to be provided to individuals in the jail. The jail may enter into agreements with community agencies and organizations to assist in the development and administration of medication-assisted treatment.
    • Provides an appropriation, including for the following programs funded through the annual long appropriations act:
      • Increasing from four to 10 the number of the law-enforcement-assisted diversion pilot programs; and increasing corresponding funding for criminal justice diversion pilot programs in the office of behavioral health in the department of human services.

    To review the bills and memorials recommended by the Opioid and Other Substance Use Disorders Study Committee, please visit the committee’s website. For questions concerning the legislation, please contact Kristen Forrestal, Yelana Love, or Brita Darling.

  • An Introduction to Initiatives (Continued)

    by Ed DeCecco

    I know that the end of part one of this article was quite the cliffhanger, and you’ve probably been obsessively refreshing the LegiSource page to see what happens after the Title Board sets the ballot title for an initiative. So, without further delay, here is the conclusion of the initiative process.

    Signature Gathering

    Once the ballot title is officially set, the proponents may proceed to the signature-gathering phase, which many people think of as “those times when I’m accosted outside of King Soopers to sign something, but that is not nearly as fun as being accosted to buy Girl Scout cookies.” (Okay, that might just be me.) The reason for these encounters is that the state constitution requires that an initiative petition be signed by a number of registered electors in the state that is greater than or equal to 5% of the total number of votes cast for all candidates for the office of Secretary of State at the previous general election. Currently, that threshold is 98,492 signatures. Lucky for designated representatives, they may use volunteer and paid petition circulators to help gather signatures.

    As a result of Amendment 71, an initiative from 2016, if the initiative is for a constitutional amendment, then 2% of the total required signatures must also come from each Senate District. This has had a twofold effect. First, it means that citizens throughout the state are involved in the petition process for constitutional initiatives. Second, it’s been a major boon for businesses that sell maps of the state Senate Districts.

    Circulators must collect the signatures on petition sections approved by the Secretary of State, which include LCS’s fiscal information abstract on the first page of the initiative section and have spaces for the electors to sign their name and identify the address. So, if someone outside of King Soopers asks you to sign anything other than this official form, then congratulations, you’re famous, and someone wants your autograph.

    Submission and Verification of Petitions

    The designated representatives must turn in their signed initiative petitions to the Secretary of State no later than six months after the date a ballot title is set or three months before the election, whichever date is sooner. Secretary of State Wayne Williams will then personally review and verify each signature submitted, oftentimes visiting with each elector to confirm that he or she signed the petition. (Not true. I was just checking to see if you were still paying attention.) The Secretary of State’s office will verify that the petition is signed by registered electors of the state using random sampling, and, depending on the number of valid signatures, possibly a line-by-line analysis.

    If there are enough signatures to meet the constitutional requirements, then the Secretary of State will deem the petition sufficient, and barring a successful protest against the determination, the proponents have successfully navigated the initiative process and the measure will appear on the ballot.

    Blue Book

    But before jumping to the ballot, a word about the Blue Book is in order. Named as an homage to The Beatles eponymous album or, perhaps, because it has a blue cover, the Blue Book is the excellent ballot information booklet published by LCS as required by the state constitution. It includes the full text of the initiative, the title, a fair and impartial analysis, and arguments for and against it. If the measure is a matter arising under TABOR, then it will also include fiscal information required by that initiative, which was approved by voters in 1992.

    LCS prepares three drafts of the measure, and solicits feedback from interested parties and the public. The Legislative Council committee considers LCS’s final draft and may modify it with a 2/3rds vote. Once completed, the Blue Book is mailed to every residence in the state with a registered elector. Everyone should have received the 2018 version. It is just a smidge shorter than Moby Dick because it describes a total of 13 initiated and referred measures.

    Ballot

    Having gone through the appropriate steps, an initiative will appear on the ballot. Initiated constitutional amendments are numbered consecutively from 1 to 99 and are referred to as “amendments.” Initiated statutory changes are numbered consecutively from 101 to 1999 and are referred to as “propositions.” (See §1-5-407, C.R.S.) To pass, an amendment requires 55% of the votes cast, unless the measure just repeals a provision, in which case it requires a majority vote, which is the same amount needed to pass an initiated statutory change (See Art V, §1(4)(b) of the Colorado Constitution).

    If approved by voters, the initiative will officially become part of the Colorado Constitution or the Colorado Revised Statutes, and the designated representatives may finally rest on their laurels. I, on the other hand, may have to prepare a LegiSource article about their successful endeavor. So thanks for that!

     

    For additional resources about the initiative process, check out these helpful links:

    https://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/elections/Initiatives/InitiativesHome.html

    https://leg.colorado.gov/content/how-file-initiatives

  • An Introduction to Initiatives

    by Ed DeCecco

    While sitting in Starbucks, filling out the 2018 general election mail ballot, and sipping what might be your last Pumpkin Spice Latte for the season, you might think to yourself, “Only seven statewide initiatives—why aren’t there more of these delightful, thought-provoking questions?”[1] You might even be inspired to become an active participant in Colorado’s robust system of direct democracy. If so, here is an initiative-process primer to help you.

    Initiating the Initiative

    To paraphrase Lao Tzu, the journey of a thousand signatures begins with a single email to Legislative Council Staff (LCS). That is, proponents begin the initiative process by submitting to LCS a draft of the initiative to change the Colorado Revised Statutes or amend the Colorado Constitution, or occasionally to do both. The petition must be typewritten and legible and contain the text of the initiated measure, and it must include the names and mailing addresses of the two designated representatives of the proponents. Proponents are encouraged to write the measure “in plain, nontechnical language and in a clear and coherent manner using words with common and everyday meaning that are understandable to the average reader.”[2]

    Review and Comment

    Two weeks after submission to LCS, LCS and the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) are required “to render their comments to the proponents of the petition concerning the format or contents of the petition at a review and comment meeting that is open to the public.”[3] Upon reading this rather formal-sounding requirement, one might think that the review and comment meeting is akin to the senate committee grilling Michael Corleone. It’s not. In fact, it is not a hearing at all because it is not conducted by a legislative committee and there no witnesses. Instead, it is a relaxed discussion at the State Capitol between staff, the designated representatives, (both of whom are required to attend the meeting), and the designated representatives’ attorney, if they have one.

    But, like the scene from The Godfather II, the designated representatives will have a script for their discussion. At least 48 hours prior to the meeting, staff from OLLS and LCS will give the proponents a Review and Comment Memorandum, which includes our view of the proposal’s major purposes and our substantive and technical comments and questions. At the meeting, staff will read the review and comment memorandum aloud and provide the proponents with a chance to respond.

    Many proponents view this as an opportunity to provide a record of their intent and to see if they can improve the measure. Others do not. For example, one set of proponents responded to each question and comment by saying something along the lines of, “Thank you very much for the question. We will take it under consideration.” Which is fine, as the designated representatives are under no obligation to answer our questions or make any changes after the review and comment meeting. This is their initiative and they are free to disregard our comments, considered and wise as they hopefully may be, and proceed to title setting.

    Many times, however, the designated representatives will make changes based on staff’s questions and comments. If so, they can resubmit the measure to LCS for another review and comment meeting. Alternatively, if all of their changes are directly in response to staff suggestions, they may make the changes and proceed to title setting.

    Setting the Ballot Title

    Initiatives do not appear in their entirety on the ballot, which is beneficial to everyone other than the printers paid to prepare the ballots. Instead voters are presented with a question known as a ballot title, which is in a form that they can answer “yes/for” or “no/against.” A ballot title is a summary of what the initiative does and includes the single subject and central features of the proposal. It cannot include slogans or catch phrases, and it must be brief.

    To procure a ballot title, the designated representatives must submit their finalized initiative to the Secretary of State and appear at a title board meeting. These meetings occur on the 1st and 3rd Wednesdays from December through May. The title board consists of representatives from the Attorney General’s office, the Secretary of State’s office, and the OLLS. If the initiative is properly before the title board, and if the title board determines the measure has a single-subject, which is a constitutional requirement, then it will set a ballot title.

    Prior to the title board meeting, LCS will prepare an initial fiscal impact statement and an abstract of the fiscal impact. These numbers are a sneak peak of the fiscal impacts that will be described in the Blue Book, and the abstract is used in the next phase in the initiative process.

    If the proponents or literally any other registered voter in the state is dissatisfied with a ballot title or the title board’s failure to set a ballot title, or with the abstract prepared by LCS, then he or she may file a motion for rehearing with the Secretary of State within seven days after the title board’s decision. The rehearing decision may be further appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court, which will hear the case on an expedited schedule. Obviously, these appeals can add a few extra steps for the designated representatives. On the bright side, this appeal means the proponents would have completed a coveted state government trifecta: legislative branch for review and comment; executive and legislative branch for title board; and judicial branch for the final review. How many citizens can say that? Not many.

    “Not many” is also the answer to the question, “How many people will keep reading this blog if it gets any longer?” Check back for the next installment to read about the remainder of an initiative’s amazing administrative journey.

     


    [1] I realize this may be an unlikely scenario. You may actually be having your first Peppermint Mocha of the season while voting and thinking about how much you like initiatives.

    [2] § 1-40-105 (1), C.R.S.

    [3] Id.; see also Legislative Council Rules for Staff of Legislative Council and Office of Legislative Legal Services Review and Comment Filings (9)(a), which requires the meeting to take place two weeks after submission, with some exceptions.

  • When More is More

    by Jery Payne

    A United States Court of Appeals’ opinion begins, “For want of a comma, we have this case.” The facts are simple. Delivery drivers employed by a Maine dairy company were suing for overtime. The dairy wasn’t paying them overtime, which they believed the law required.

    Whether the law required it was not so simple. The law states that the overtime protection law does not apply to:

    The canning, processing, preserving, freezing, drying, marketing, storing, packing for shipment or distribution of:

    (1) Agricultural produce;

    (2) Meat and fish products; and

    (3) Perishable foods.

    The intent appears to be that overtime shouldn’t be required for jobs when dawdling might cause food to perish. The court was wrestling with whether this exemption covers delivery drivers.

    Is the phrase packing for shipment or distribution of one item or two items on the list? In other words, which of the following is exempted?

    • Packing for shipment and packing for distribution; or
    • Packing for shipment and any kind of distribution.

    The dairy argued that distribution of should be read as one item on the list. If the distribution of perishables is read as one item on the list, then the law doesn’t require the dairy to pay the delivery drivers overtime. But if the whole phrase packing for shipment or distribution of is meant to be read together, then the dairy owed the delivery drivers a lot of money.

    The statute has at least one of two grammar errors. Notice that the list starts with a series of gerunds, which is a five-dollar word for a noun created by adding “ing” to the end of a verb: canning, processing, preserving, freezing, drying, marketing, storing, packing. And distribution of isn’t a gerund. Because every other item on the list is a gerund, the grammar indicates that the phrase was intended to be one item, packing for shipping and distribution of. But if this is true, then the statute is missing the word “or” before the last item of the list. It should read marketing, storing, or packing for shipment or distribution of. And it doesn’t. So the statute should have been written in one of two ways:

    • …marketing, storing, or packing for shipment or distribution of:
    • …marketing, storing, packing for shipment, or distributing of:

    These dueling errors bedeviled the court, so it gave up trying to parse the sentence. It decided that the ambiguous exception should be read narrowly and ruled that the dairy had to pay the delivery drivers.

    As I mentioned, the court pointed out several times that an Oxford comma would have solved the issue. If the statute had read storing, packing for shipment, or distribution of perishables, it would have been clear that the statute covered the delivery drivers.

    So using the Oxford comma is good advice. We aim to use it in the Colorado Revised Statutes.

    But what if the legislature hadn’t intended to cover the delivery drivers? How could we draft the statute so that it is clear? What if we repeated the preposition of?

    The canning of, processing of, preserving of, freezing of, drying of, marketing of, storing of, or packing for shipment or distribution of:

    (1) Agricultural produce;

    (2) Meat and fish products; and

    (3) Perishable foods.

    Now the statute is clear.

    I bet I know what a lot of you are thinking: “We don’t need all those extra prepositions, of. Just don’t forget the disjunctive, or.” No, I suppose in this case we didn’t need the extra prepositions. But they do help. And what about the following statute[1] that authorized the defendants to move a case to federal court:

    Any officer of the United States or any agency thereof …

    Can any officer of any agency move the case to federal court? Or does the defendant have to be the agency itself? In other words, the list was ambiguous because it could be read either of these two ways:

    • An officer of the US or an officer of an agency of the US; or
    • An agency of the US or an officer of the US.

    The United States Supreme Court settled this issue by deciding that an officer of an agency could move the case. They decided that Congress meant an officer of an agency. If that is the correct intent, repeating the preposition of would have solved the issue:

    Any officer of the United States or of any agency thereof …

    I know that people will be tempted to dispense with the repetitious preposition in a list, but repeating those prepositions does remove ambiguity. My advice is to repeat those prepositions when clarity is at stake.

     


    [1] Hat tip to Bryan Garner from his Advanced Legal Drafting Course.

  • Wayfair Decision Changes Commerce Clause Jurisprudence

    by Esther van Mourik

    Loyal LegiSource readers are already experts in the Commerce Clause of the United States Constitution. (See: “United States Supreme Court Effectively Upholds Colorado Internet Sales Tax Law”) Well, this summer the United States Supreme Court (Supreme Court) issued an opinion that made significant changes in Commerce Clause jurisprudence!

    South Dakota v. Wayfair is a case about e-commerce, a term used to describe purchases made from online retailers like Amazon, Wayfair, eBay, Newegg, and countless others. As described in earlier articles, until the Wayfair decision, when you made a purchase from an online retailer and the online retailer did not have physical presence in your state of residence, your state’s revenue department was not allowed to require that retailer to collect the sales tax owed on that purchase. Instead, you were required to pay the tax (now called use tax) on those purchases yourself. Unsurprisingly, most people did not voluntarily remit the use taxes they owed.

    While states have nearly complete authority to tax commercial activities within their own borders, these broad taxing powers are subject to limitations in the United States Constitution when the commerce goes beyond the state’s borders. The Commerce Clause reserves to Congress the power to “regulate commerce . . . among the several states.” In general, a state law cannot discriminate against or unduly burden interstate commerce, even in the absence of federal legislation regulating the activity. In addition, a Supreme Court decision frequently referenced as “the Quill case” stood for the rule that states could not require retailers to collect the sales tax from consumers if the retailer did not have physical presence in the consumer’s state of residence.

    The Quill case was decided in 1992, well before the era of e-commerce as we know it now. Consequently, the physical presence requirement became a big hurdle for states seeking parity between online purchases and purchases made in local stores. Many people figured it made more sense to buy an item online and not be charged sales tax rather than purchasing the same item in a local store where the price reflects the sales tax owed (conveniently ignoring the use taxes that were still due). The lost sales tax revenue provoked many states to deal with this issue in two ways: first, through numerous attempts to seek congressional action (not successful); and second, by individual states passing legislation that challenged the physical presence requirement (a description of Colorado’s effort can be found here). In 2016, South Dakota took the most direct position, passing a law requiring a retailer without physical presence in the state to collect sales and use tax on purchases and services at the point of sale. The legislative declaration even described the bill as a direct challenge to the Quill case.

    Wayfair, Overstock, and Newegg sued South Dakota, arguing that the law was unconstitutional under the Commerce Clause. The South Dakota trial court found for the companies, and the South Dakota Supreme Court agreed, relying on the fact that the Quill case had not yet been overturned and still required physical presence in South Dakota before companies could be forced to collect the sales tax. South Dakota appealed to the Supreme Court. In its June 21, 2018, opinion, the Supreme Court overruled Quill, holding that “the physical presence rule, both as first formulated and as applied today, is an incorrect interpretation of the Commerce Clause.” This means that the South Dakota law is constitutional insofar as a company’s physical presence is no longer required. However, the case was remanded back to South Dakota to determine whether the law is discriminatory or an undue burden on interstate commerce.

    The Supreme Court stated, however, that, “South Dakota’s tax system includes several features that appear designed to prevent discrimination against or undue burdens upon interstate commerce.” The Court focused on the following three particulars:

    • The South Dakota law defined “retailer” as a business with annual gross sales revenue in the state exceeding $100,000 or having made 200 or more separate sales transactions in the state in a year;
    • The law was not retroactive; and
    • South Dakota had already adopted the Streamlined Sales and Use Tax Agreement.

    So where does this leave Colorado? The Colorado Department of Revenue (Department) recently moved toward requiring retailers without physical presence (out-of-state retailers) to collect state sales tax and the sales taxes levied by certain cities, counties, and special districts that are currently collected and distributed by the Department. In addition, the Department adopted emergency rules to assist in administering the sales tax collections and, among other things, to specify that the state’s collection requirement would not be retroactive and would apply to the same definition of retailer that South Dakota adopted.

    However, Colorado has not adopted the Streamlined Sales and Use Tax Agreement. In the Wayfair decision the Supreme Court described the agreement as follows:

    This system standardizes taxes to reduce administrative and compliance costs: It requires a single, state level tax administration, uniform definitions of products and services, simplified tax rate structures, and other uniform rules. It also provides sellers access to sales tax administration software paid for by the State. Sellers who choose to use such software are immune from audit liability.

    The Colorado Constitution provides home rule jurisdictions the full right of self-government in both local and municipal matters, including the “assessment of property in such city or town for municipal taxation and the levy and collection of taxes thereon for municipal purposes….” This constitutional authority of home rule jurisdictions to levy and collect taxes is arguably an obstacle to statewide uniformity as contemplated by the Streamlined Sales and Use Tax Agreement. As of this writing, home rule jurisdictions have no coordinated requirement for out-of-state retailers to collect sales taxes.

    While the Supreme Court has arguably made things simpler by overruling the physical presence requirement laid out in the Quill case, states that have complicated sales tax systems, like Colorado, will still see uncertainty. The Supreme Court could find that a fractured collection requirement is discriminatory or an undue burden to interstate commerce.  Commerce clause enthusiasts will have to wait to see if the Colorado General Assembly will take on this issue in the next legislative session starting in January 2019.

  • Surprise! The 2019 Legislative Session Convening a Week Earlier

    by Patti Dahlberg

    In case you missed the discussions on House Joint Resolution 18-1021 in the final few days of the 2018 legislative session, the 2019 Legislative Session will begin on Friday, January 4. Of course, this also means that the 2019 Legislative Session will adjourn almost a week earlier than usual – by Friday, May 3.

    Traditionally, a legislative session in Colorado commences on the second Wednesday in January — but it can start sooner. The convening date and other important Colorado legislative timelines are specified in the state’s Constitution.  The provision determining when the legislative session annually convenes is in section 7 of article V of the state constitution. It requires the General Assembly to meet in regular session at 10 a.m. “no later than the second Wednesday of January each year.” In 2019, the General Assembly is convening on the first Friday in January. This is necessary because section 1 of article IV of the state constitution requires the newly elected Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General, Treasurer, and Secretary of State to take office on the second Tuesday of January, which falls on January 8 in 2019. And section 3 of article IV of the state constitution requires the General Assembly to declare the winners of the election for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and the other three statewide elected officers, or to decide who the winners are if the general election ends in a tie or is contested. To declare the winners, the General Assembly must be in session. So each time all five statewide elected officials are elected, the General Assembly must convene before the second Tuesday of January.

    Because the convening date for the 2019 legislative session starts on a Friday instead of a Wednesday, House Joint Resolution 18-1021 also adjusted most of the legislative deadline days delineated in the House and Senate Joint Rules. The convening date and any necessary adjustment of deadline days for the 2020 legislative session will be decided by the 72nd General Assembly, most likely by a joint resolution adopted during the 2019 legislative session.

    An early convening date means earlier bill request deadlines. This year, each returning legislator must submit three of his or her five bill requests to the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) no later than Monday, November 26, 2018. Each legislator who is newly elected to the General Assembly must submit three of his or her five bill requests to the OLLS no later than December 10, 2018. Both of these dates are about a week earlier than usual.

    Although a January 4th starting date may cut the holiday season a little shorter this year for some of us, it could be worse. The convening date could have been January 1 — like it was a hundred years ago for the 1919 Legislative Session!

    Some additional constitutional provisions regarding legislative sessions:

    • Each regular legislative session can last no longer than 120 days, including Saturdays and Sundays and any other days the General Assembly may decide to take off (section 7 of article V).
    • A regular session can last less than 120 days, which has happened as recently as 2008.
    • Section 7 of article V allows the General Assembly to meet outside of a regular session when convened in a special session by the Governor or by written request of two-thirds of the members of each house. During a special session, the General Assembly may consider only the specific subjects listed in the Governor’s call or in the written request. For more information on special sessions, see “What’s so Special about a Special Session?”
    • During a legislative session, neither the House nor the Senate may adjourn for more than three days without the consent of the other house (section 15 of article V).
    • Before a bill can become law, recorded votes on the bill must be taken on two separate days in each house (section 22 of article V).
    • During session, the Governor has 10 days to act on bills that the General Assembly sends to him or her. However, during the last 10 days of session and once the General Assembly adjourns, the Governor has 30 days after adjournment to act on bills sent to him or her (section 11 of article IV).

  • Court Strikes Colorado’s Human Smuggling Law on Preemption Grounds

    by Richard Sweetman

    In the recent case of Fuentes-Espinoza v. People, 2017 CO 98, 408 P.3d 445, the Colorado Supreme Court overturned the convictions of a man who violated Colorado’s law against smuggling human beings (§ 18-13-128, C.R.S.) because it determined that federal law preempts the Colorado law. The case explains preemption jurisprudence and the circumstances under which a court may find that federal law preempts state law.

    Background
    In 2007, Bernadino Fuentes-Espinoza was arrested in Wheat Ridge, Colorado, after attempting to pass a counterfeit $100 bill to a gas station attendant. When police arrived, they discovered that Fuentes-Espinoza was driving a van full of people, two of whom fled and were not apprehended. It was later determined that Fuentes-Espinoza was transporting the passengers from Arizona to Kansas in exchange for $500. He was charged with, and later convicted of, seven counts of human smuggling in violation of § 18-13-128, C.R.S. (He was acquitted of one count of forgery for passing the counterfeit bill.)

    The General Assembly enacted § 18-13-128, C.R.S., in 2006. It provides that a person commits a class 3 felony “if, for the purpose of assisting another person to enter, remain in, or travel through the United States or the state of Colorado in violation of immigration laws, he or she provides or agrees to provide transportation to that person in exchange for money or any other thing of value.”

    Fuentes-Espinoza appealed his convictions, arguing that the federal “Immigration and Nationality Act”, 8 U.S.C. sec. 1101-1537 (2017) (INA) preempts § 18-13-128, C.R.S. The Colorado Court of Appeals rejected the preemption argument, concluding that Fuentes-Espinoza could not raise it on appeal because he had not raised it before the trial court. However, the Colorado Supreme Court chose to exercise its discretion to review the argument, and it agreed with Fuentes-Espinoza that the INA preempts § 18-13-128, C.R.S. Accordingly, the Court reversed the convictions on all counts.

    Analysis
    The Colorado Supreme Court began its analysis by noting that the U.S. Supreme Court recognizes three forms of federal preemption: Express, field, and conflict preemption.

    Express preemption occurs when Congress “withdraw[s] specified powers from the States by enacting a statute containing an express preemption provision” (quoting Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. 387, 399 (2012).

    Field preemption occurs when “the States are precluded from regulating conduct in a field that Congress, acting within its proper authority, has determined must be regulated by its exclusive governance.” Id. Congress’s intent to preempt a particular field may be inferred “from a framework of regulation ‘so pervasive . . . that Congress left no room for the States to supplement it’ or where there is a ‘federal interest . . . so dominant that the federal system will be assumed to preclude enforcement of state laws on the same subject.’” Id. (quoting Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp., 331 U.S. 218, 230 (1947)).

    Conflict preemption occurs when a state law conflicts with a federal law. Such a conflict exists (1) when compliance with both federal and state law is physically impossible and (2) in “those instances where the challenged state law ‘stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress.’” Id. (quoting Hines v. Davidowitz, 312 U.S. 52, 67 (1941)).

    In Fuentes-Espinoza’s case, the Court found that Colorado’s human smuggling law is preempted under the doctrines of both field and conflict preemption.

    As to field preemption, the Court found that the comprehensive nature of the INA demonstrates Congress’s intent to “maintain a uniform, federally regulated framework for criminalizing and regulating the transportation, concealment, and inducement of unlawfully present aliens, and this framework is so pervasive that it has left no room for the states to supplement it.”

    As to conflict preemption, the Court found that Colorado’s human smuggling law “stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of Congress’s purposes and objectives in enacting the INA” because the law (1) conflicts with the “careful calibration” of the INA’s penalty scheme and (2) “sweeps more broadly” than the INA by criminalizing a wider range of conduct. “In doing so,” said the Court, “the Colorado statute disrupts Congress’s objective of creating a uniform scheme of punishment because some human smuggling activities . . . are punishable in Colorado but not elsewhere.”

    For more information, contact Richard Sweetman at (303) 866-4333.

  • ETHICS ALERT! Read This Before Your Next Town Hall or Community Meeting

    by Jennifer Gilroy

    Did you know that town hall and community meetings can be fraught with ethical dilemmas? If you’re a member of the General Assembly, you already know that one effective and efficient way to personally stay in touch with your constituents is to meet with them in a public and group setting. But you likely also know that it’s hard to find a low-cost or no-cost venue in your district that is large enough for that kind of gathering. So when a constituent or community business owner offers to provide a room—maybe even a room that otherwise rents out for a fee—it might be tempting to accept. If you’ve considered that option, did you also stop to consider whether it would be ethical under the constitutional gift ban known as “Amendment 41“? And what if that person or business owner also offers to provide your attendees with food or beverages? Is that permissible under Amendment 41? Maybe you think, well, I just won’t eat anything, and then it won’t be a problem.

    Recently, the Independent Ethics Commission  (Commission) weighed in on what is—and more importantly, what is not—permissible under the gift ban when it comes to these types of meetings, issuing both an advisory opinion and a ruling on an ethics complaint against a legislator. These opinions appear to conflict with each other. The ruling on the ethics complaint is being appealed, and hopefully the reviewing court will provide further guidance. In the interim, this article attempts to navigate the distinctions between the two opinions to provide a few critical takeaways to know before hosting, or accepting an invitation to participate in, a public meeting with constituents.

    Town Hall Meetings vs Community Meetings. First, before accepting an invitation to a public meeting or hosting a meeting, think about what type of event it is and who is actually hosting it. In early 2017, a member of the General Assembly formally asked the Commission two questions: 1) Whether he could attend a community meeting organized as a public forum on a topic of interest to his constituents (public rail transportation), at which he was to serve as both the moderator and a panel participant along with other representatives from local government and the RTD; and 2) whether, in other situations, he could accept the provision of a room from a constituent to host his regular legislative town hall meetings. In reaching its conclusions on the questions, the Commission distinguished between the two types of meetings.

    In the first instance, one of the legislator’s constituents had offered to provide a room at a local brew pub—one that normally rented for more than $59 per hour—for a community meeting on public rail transportation. The constituent also planned to provide appetizers for attendees. While the legislator was the moderator, not a host, of the community meeting and was to participate in the question-and-answer session, the Commission highlighted the fact that there were other government officials as panelists and noted that the meeting would have proceeded whether the legislator could attend or not. In other words, the Commission distinguished this type of public forum event from a legislator’s personal town hall meeting at which the legislator serves as host, in his legislative capacity, to discuss legislative matters of interest with constituents—sort of as the star of the show in that case. The Commission determined that, in the community meeting situation, the meeting space was a “gift to the public,” not to the legislator (or any other civic leader in attendance, for that matter). The Commission gave a green light to the legislator’s “admission” to the meeting, and even his enjoyment of the appetizers, based on an exception to the constitutional gift ban that permits admission to and the cost of food and beverages consumed at a meeting at which the individual is to speak as part of a scheduled program.

    On the other hand, the Commission viewed the town hall meeting format differently. In response to the legislator’s second question, the Commission said that the provision of a venue to the legislator for one of his town hall meetings is a gift to him and, if the value of the gift (i.e., the cost of the room) is more than the allowed exempted amount (currently $59), then the legislator could not accept it unless it met one of the eight exceptions to the gift ban. Examples of exceptions include situations where the room was provided in the form of a campaign contribution or by the state or a local government or by a nonprofit organization that receives less than 5% of its funding from for-profit entities. In addition, the Commission cautioned the legislator to avoid even the “appearance of impropriety,” which the Commission observed can weaken public confidence in government and create a perception of dishonesty, even where government officials are technically in compliance with the law.

    Who is “hosting” the meeting? Compare the Commission’s responses to those two questions with its more recent finding in an ethics complaint against a different member of the legislature. The Commission found that the legislator had violated the constitutional gift ban when she moderated and participated in a question-and-answer session at a community meeting at which a panel of local government officials discussed a topic of interest to the legislator’s constituents, in this case oil and gas development. Sound familiar? The Commission focused on the fact that, unlike the community meeting that was the subject of the earlier advisory opinion, the invitation to this meeting did not disclose who was sponsoring the event, in other words, who would be paying for the room, appetizers, and drinks that were available at the meeting. The dissenting opinion observed, correctly, that Amendment 41 is silent about disclosure, and, “the disclosure or failure to disclose the identity of the person paying for the event does not convert the event into a gift.”  Nevertheless, the Commission relied heavily on the fact of nondisclosure.

    The Commission also emphasized that, unlike the community meeting that was the subject of the earlier advisory opinion, the invitation to this meeting described the legislator as the “host” of the event, which the Commission took to mean that she was a necessary party to the event. The Commission also found that the legislator’s aide worked closely with the sponsor company’s representative to plan and market the event, invite speakers, and create a list of invitees, using the legislator’s e-mail address for communications and signing emails she authored as the legislator’s aide. As a result, the Commission attributed constructive, if not actual, knowledge of the planning and execution, and therefore the hosting, of the meeting to the legislator even though her actual involvement was minimal.

    While in the earlier opinion the Commission stated that the venue was a “gift to the public” and the legislator could enjoy the food provided at the meeting, in this case the Commission stated that the legislator benefited from the event not only by receiving food and drinks, free of charge, to provide to her constituents, but also by receiving a forum, free of charge, at which she was able to address her constituents regarding oil and gas drilling in their community. The Commission emphasized that the nondisclosure of the entity paying for the costs of the event reinforced their belief that the legislator was the recipient of a gift: She received a forum to address the public without deterring the public’s attendance by disclosing the presence and sponsorship of the event. “[She] was able to hold an event for her constituents and get her message out to her constituents, all without paying for the costs of the event she hosted.” However, as the dissenting opinion observed, “It is hard to imagine a better or more appropriate form of political participation….Amendment XXIX was not intended to prohibit elected officials from having a point of view or communicating it.”

    The Commission’s opinion essentially states that Amendment 41 prohibits outsourcing the costs of legislator-sponsored events to private donors; the dissent responds that, at most, this was an industry-sponsored event that leveraged the legislator’s name and position to attract people to an event where she could attempt to persuade them to their point of view.

    Takeaways. As noted, the legislator has appealed the Commission’s ruling on the ethics complaint against her, but until there is a ruling from the court, the following are a few lessons for legislators to take away from these two opinions as they stand today:

    1. If you plan to hold a town hall meeting in your legislative capacity to discuss matters of interest to your constituents and other legislative matters—a meeting that only you could hold and one that would not proceed without your presence—then you will be viewed as the “host” of the meeting and should not accept a “gift” of a meeting space or food or beverages for your attendees unless the value of that “gift” is less than $59 or unless the gift meets one of the eight specific exceptions to the constitutional gift ban. Otherwise, the total value of the [donated] meeting space, food, and beverages enjoyed by your constituents will likely be viewed as prohibited gifts to you.
    2. If, on the other hand, you are invited to be a speaker, moderator, or other participant at a public forum or community meeting being sponsored and paid for by a third party, be sure the invitation and promotional material clearly identify who is sponsoring (paying for) the event.
    3. In those situations where you are speaking at or otherwise participating in a public forum or community meeting, a third party is sponsoring the event, and that fact is clearly disclosed, you may accept admission to, and the food and beverages provided at, that event under an exception to the constitutional gift ban.
    4. Do not allow the use of your name as the “host” of an event merely as a means to attract attendance at the event, unless you are the actual sponsor of the event and paying the costs of the event. It will likely be viewed as your event and the costs for it, even if borne by a private party for others’ enjoyment, will likely be viewed as a prohibited gift to you.
    5. Be aware of possible conflicts of interests—or even the appearance of impropriety. Do not accept any gifts of a room, food, or beverages for one of your meetings from a lobbyist or from an individual or entity that has an interest in pending legislation.
    6. Supervise the activities of your aides closely. You may be found to have constructive, if not actual, knowledge of what they are planning and doing on your behalf and they may not have read the tips here.

    Public meetings of the types described here are a valuable way to practice the democratic process. With a clearer sense of how to approach these events, you are better equipped to avoid any ethical pitfalls while still participating in effective dialogues with your constituency.

  • U.S. Supreme Court Closes the Door on Union Agency Fees

    by Yelana Love

    On June 27, 2018, the United States Supreme Court decided Janus v. American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees,[1]  The Court, explicitly overruling Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Ed.,[2]  held that an Illinois state law requiring all employees in a bargaining unit exclusively represented by a public-sector labor union, including employees who had chosen not to join the union and who opposed the union’s collective bargaining and other positions, to pay an agency fee to the union, violated the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Court reasoned that the problem with the law was that it forced employees who had chosen not to join the union “to subsidize [the union’s] private speech on matters of substantial public concern.”[3]

    Factual and Legal Background of the Case
    The Illinois Public Labor Relations Act (IPLRA) allows employees of the State of Illinois and its political subdivisions to unionize. Under the IPLRA, if the majority of employees in a bargaining unit vote to be represented by a labor union, the union is designated as the exclusive representative of all the employees within the bargaining unit, including employees who choose not to join the union. Employees who join the union must pay full union dues. The specific provision of the IPLRA at issue requires employees who do not join the union to pay a percentage of the union dues referred to as an “agency fee.” In Abood, the United States Supreme Court had rejected a First Amendment challenge to an agency fee, concluding that nonunion employees may be charged an agency fee for the portion of union dues used to pay for activities that are “germane to [the union’s] duties as collective bargaining representative,” but not for any portion of dues used to fund the union’s political and ideological projects.[4]

    Mark Janus was an Illinois state employee working in a bargaining unit that voted to be represented by a union.[5]  Janus elected not to join the union because he opposed many of its policy positions, but he was required to pay an agency fee, which was automatically deducted from his pay.

    Janus filed a complaint in federal court asserting that “nonmember fee deductions are coerced political speech” and “the First Amendment forbids coercing any money from the nonmembers.”[6]  Relying on Abood, the union moved to have the case dismissed. The District Court granted the motion to dismiss and the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit affirmed the decision. The United States Supreme Court granted certiorari to consider whether the required payment of an agency fee for nonunion, public-sector employees is unconstitutional.

    Analysis of the Decision
    The Court begins its opinion by discussing Abood, noting that in that case “the Court upheld the constitutionality of an agency-shop arrangement like the one now before us,” but that “in more recent cases we have recognized that this holding is ‘something of an anomaly,’ and that Abood’s ‘analysis is questionable on several grounds.’”[7]  The Court then considers “whether Abood’s holding is consistent with standard First Amendment principles,”[8]  pointing out that the First Amendment forbids abridging the freedom of speech, which “includes both the right to speak freely and the right to refrain from speaking at all.”[9]  The Court recognizes that a “‘significant impingement on First Amendment rights’ occurs when public employees are required to provide financial support for a union that ‘takes many positions during collective bargaining that have powerful political and civic consequences’”[10]  and concludes that “[b]ecause the compelled subsidization of private speech seriously impinges on First Amendment rights, it cannot be casually allowed.”[11]

    Next, the Court determines the appropriate level of scrutiny to be applied when determining the constitutionality of agency fees. Rejecting both the dissent’s view that the Court should “apply what amounts to rational-basis review, that is, that we ask only whether a government employer could reasonably believe that the exaction of agency fees serves its interests,”[12] and Janus’ request to subject the law at issue to strict scrutiny, the Court instead follows the precedent it set in Knox[13] and applies exacting scrutiny. Exacting scrutiny is a standard under which the compelled subsidy of an agency fee must “serve a compelling state interest that cannot be achieved through means significantly less restrictive of associational freedoms.”[14]

    In Abood, the Court allowed agency fee agreements because they promoted the state’s interest in labor peace and the avoidance of free-riders. But the Janus Court rejects both of these rationales. Instead, it concludes that “[w]hatever may have been the case 41 years ago when Abood was handed down, it is now undeniable that ‘labor peace’ can readily be achieved ‘through means significantly less restrictive of associational freedoms’ than the assessment of agency fees.”[15]  The Court is equally unpersuaded by the free-rider argument, relying on Knox for the principle that “free-rider arguments…are generally insufficient to overcome First Amendment objections.”[16]  Accordingly, the Court concludes that because the state interests relied on in Abood fail to pass exacting scrutiny analysis, the Abood court erred in upholding public sector agency fee agreements as constitutional. The Court overrules Abood, holding that the agency fee provision of the IPLRA challenged by Janus violates the First Amendment.

    Impact of the Decision on Colorado
    The Janus decision appears to have little immediate, direct impact on Colorado. Colorado does not currently have statutes related to public sector unions and therefore does not have any statutes requiring nonunion, public sector employees to pay agency fees. However, Janus would presumably discourage a future Colorado General Assembly from enacting a law requiring the payment of agency fees by nonunion public sector employees, because such a law would clearly violate the First Amendment as interpreted by the Janus Court.

     


    [1] Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 585 U.S. ___, 138 S. Ct. 2448, 201 L. Ed. 2d 924 (2018).

    [2] 431 U.S. 209 (1977).

    [3] Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 2460, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 934.

    [4] Abood, 431 U.S. at 235-36.

    [5] The specific union was the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, Council 31.

    [6] Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 2462, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 937.

    [7] Janus, 138 S. Ct. 2463, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 938.

    [8] Id.

    [9] Id. (quoting Wooley v. Maynard. 430 U.S. 705, 741 (1977)).

    [10] Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 2464, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 939 (quoting Knox v. Service Employees, 567 U.S. 298, 310-311)(additional internal citation omitted).

    [11] Id.

    [12] Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 2465, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 940.

    [13] Supra note 10.

    [14] Knox, 567 U.S. at 310.

    [15] Janus. 138 S. Ct. at 2466, 201 L. Ed. 2d at 941 (Quoting Harris v. Quinn, 573 U.S. ___ (2014)).

    [16] Knox, 567 U.S. at 310.

  • Electronic Participation in Committee Meetings

    by Jason Gelender

    Filmmaker Woody Allen and countless others have said that 80 percent of success in life is showing up. If that’s true, then the legislator who wants to be successful should probably show up for his or her interim committee meetings. But sometimes schedule conflicts, long travel times, or unexpected life events can make showing up for an interim committee in person difficult or impossible. Fortunately, for interim committee members only, and subject to certain conditions and limitations, there is an alternative to showing up in-person for interim committee meetings: Electronic, also sometimes referred to as remote, participation.

    During the 2017 legislative session, the General Assembly enacted House Bill 17-1113. The act authorizes the Executive Committee of the Legislative Council (Executive Committee) to allow legislators to participate electronically in “committee meetings occurring during the legislative interim” only and to recommend and develop policies for electronic participation. The act also specifies that a legislator who participates electronically in an interim committee meeting is “deemed to be in attendance” at the meeting and is entitled to compensation of $99 per day for that attendance as specified in section 2-2-307 (3)(a), C.R.S., but not to reimbursement for any expenses incurred in connection with the electronic participation. [Note: The lack of reimbursement is an explicit exception to section 2-2-307 (3)(b), C.R.S., which implicitly assumes in-person attendance at interim committee meetings and specifies that an attending legislator is “entitled to reimbursement for all actual and necessary travel and subsistence expenses.”] During the 2018 legislative session, the General Assembly made a conforming amendment to Joint Rule 24A of the Joint Rules of the Senate and the House of Representatives, which had prohibited electronic participation, to allow legislators to electronically participate in interim committee meetings “to the extent authorized by the Executive Committee, and subject to any policies that the Executive Committee develops” as authorized by law.

    The Executive Committee established electronic participation policies and notified the members of the Seventy-First General Assembly of these policies by letter. The policies are summarized as follows:

    • Committee members may electronically participate in meetings of interim committees and committees of reference conducting SMART Act hearings held at the State Capitol complex (the Capitol and the Legislative Services Building) only. Electronic participation is not allowed for meetings of year-round standing committees that may meet in the interim such as the Joint Budget Committee, Legislative Audit Committee, and Capital Development Committee [Note: The full list of year-round committees can be viewed on the Colorado General Assembly’s website at the following link under the heading “Year-Round Committees”: https://leg.colorado.gov/content/committees.]
    • Up to two members of an interim committee may participate electronically at a meeting so long as:
      • A quorum of the members of the committee are expected to be physically present at the meeting;
      • The chair authorizes the electronic participation no later than 48 hours before the meeting [Note: In an emergency, the chair and the Director of Research of the Legislative Council may approve electronic participation after the 48-hour deadline] and notifies Legislative Council Staff of the authorization at remote.part@coleg.gov;
      • The member participating electronically calls in to the meeting 30 minutes before it begins to test connections and technology; and
      • Neither of the members is chairing the meeting.
    • Members participating electronically may not vote. These members count toward the quorum needed to hold the committee meeting, but a quorum of the members of the committee must be physically present at the meeting for the committee to vote on any matter.
    • Members participating electronically must follow the same rules and meeting decorum as members participating in person.
    • There is no guarantee of electronic participation. Accordingly:
      • The member chairing a meeting may discontinue remote participation if technological or other issues interfere with the meeting;
      • No additional equipment or software will be provided to members who wish to participate electronically; and
      • Members participating electronically must maintain any applicable security requirements and protect any log-in credentials.

    For more information on how to electronically participate in an interim committee meeting or SMART Act hearing, please contact Colorado Legislative Council Staff at 303-866-3521.