Author: olls

  • A Fond Farewell to a Dedicated Public Servant: Sharon Eubanks

    Besides the usual ghosts and goblins, Halloween 2023 holds an additional specter for the Colorado General Assembly and the Office of Legislative Legal Services. On October 31, 2023, 37 years of knowledge, experience, and dedication will depart the Colorado State Capitol when Sharon Eubanks, Director of the OLLS, retires from a career of exemplary service to the state of Colorado.

    It’s hard to imagine the Office without Sharon, who began as a staff attorney in 1986—two years before the Office of Legislative Legal Services was even established by HB88-1329. Sharon brought three years of legislative experience with her to Colorado, having previously worked as a legislative attorney for the Oklahoma House of Representatives. And when she started with the OLLS, she had the good fortune to learn under the tutelage of the original pillars of the Office: Douglas (Doug) Brown, Rebecca (Becky) Lennehan, Charles (Charley) Pike, and Alice Ackerman.

    Sharon quickly proved her worth as an excellent drafter and trusted advisor to legislators. Because of her sharp legal analysis and understanding of statutory construction, she was entrusted with drafting significant—and, in some cases, ground-breaking—legislation, including the act that established the Scientific and Cultural Facilities District and the act that created the Denver Metropolitan Major League Baseball Stadium District, which resulted in Denver receiving a Major League Baseball franchise. Other notable legislation that Sharon drafted includes the act that authorized public school open enrollment within and across school districts in Colorado and the act that provided economic incentives to United Airlines to build its maintenance facility at Stapleton International Airport.

    But the work that probably most defines Sharon’s career with the Office—and for which she is best known—involved assisting the General Assembly, its members, committees, and staff with interpreting and complying with Article X, Section 20 of the state constitution, commonly known as the “Taxpayers’ Bill of Rights” or “TABOR”, approved by the voters in 1992. Within days after the election, the Director of the OLLS at the time, Doug Brown, appointed Sharon the lead attorney in the effort to understand TABOR and assist the General Assembly in implementing its provisions. This was a significant undertaking that included providing legal analysis and advice regarding TABOR’s meaning and impact, drafting legislation to implement and address issues resulting from the passage of TABOR, and assisting with litigation stemming from subsequent TABOR-related legislation. With her work, Sharon established herself as one of the state’s premiere experts on TABOR and, as a result, she was—and likely still is—the person who legislators, legislative staff, and even members of other branches of government and the public called regarding its legislative, judicial, and administrative interpretations.

    Recognizing her extraordinary capacity and sharp legal mind, Director Brown promoted Sharon to Senior Attorney within four years after she started with the OLLS and later to Team Leader of the Finance Team, in which role she led, trained, and mentored a team of drafters and legislative assistants. Sharon’s revising skills are equally revered and feared; there isn’t an attorney in the Office who hasn’t felt a twinge of anxiety upon receiving the abundant comments, questions, and edits resulting from her thorough review of the attorney’s work. But each attorney will also readily admit to having benefited from her revising and mentoring skills and acknowledge that her keen abilities have made us all better drafters and attorneys.

    Sharon’s career continued to soar, and by 2004 she was promoted to Deputy Director of the Office. In this role, she took on a wide assortment of special projects for the Director, including representing the Office on the state title board, setting ballot titles for citizen initiatives, often a contentious endeavor. She drafted myriad legal memoranda and opinions and assisted in multiple lawsuits involving the General Assembly and its members. Her excellent writing skills and legal analysis served well the General Assembly and the legal counsel representing the General Assembly as she worked on pleadings, briefs, and oral arguments.

    In 2017, the Executive Committee of the Legislative Council appointed Sharon director of the Office, and almost immediately Sharon found herself guiding the General Assembly and the Office through an astonishing number of first-time issues. During her very first legislative session as director, Sharon faced the unprecedented expulsion of a member of the House of Representatives based on charges of workplace harassment and the accompanying unique procedural, ethical, and legal issues. In the aftermath, Sharon helped guide the General Assembly through an overhaul of its policies and procedures related to workplace harassment complaints.

    Then, while still relatively new to the director position, Sharon suddenly found herself challenged with another unprecedented situation when a worldwide pandemic shut down the General Assembly mid-session. Undaunted, she led her staff and guided the leadership of the General Assembly through the development, adoption, and implementation of new legislative rules, protocols, and procedures allowing for remote work and participation in the legislative process by both legislators and staff.

    These are just two examples of the constantly changing, challenging, and unique circumstances that Sharon has faced – and overcome – during her tenure as director. Added to these are the continuing challenges of increasingly partisan legislative sessions and the resulting unprecedented increases in stress and workload for nonpartisan staff. In all of these situations, Sharon has continued to exemplify the best in nonpartisan service for legislators and effective leadership for her staff, continually working to provide the people of the OLLS with the support they need and the appreciation they deserve.

    The Office of Legislative Legal Services, the General Assembly and the many legislators who have served during the last 37 years, and the citizens of the state of Colorado have been the fortunate beneficiaries of Sharon’s lengthy and distinguished career. Thank you, Sharon, for your innumerable contributions, dedication, and remarkable service to the Colorado General Assembly and to the state of Colorado.

  • The 2023 Session Fades in The Rear View Mirror

    by Jery Payne

    As we head down the road towards the 2024 session, looking for a nice rest area with green grass and blue sky, the 2023 session is now in our rear view mirror, and although each session has its own special scenery, road curves, and interesting viewpoints, 2023 was quite a ride. Sometimes it felt like we were racing down an open highway, windows open with the wind blowing through our hair. And other times we waited in a traffic jam, peering out over the steering wheel to count the number of cars ahead, only to shrug our shoulders, turn up George Strait, and sing along, “And there’s a road, a winding road that never ends ….”

    If this road hasn’t ended, at least we’re pulling into the motel for the night. The General Assembly has adjourned sine die. The regular session is done, and it’s time for some rest and relaxation.

    Despite the long hours, the number of bills introduced is actually pretty normal. I count 617 bills introduced this session, which is about the same as the last few sessions: 657 bills were introduced in 2022, 623 bills in 2021, 651 bills in 2020, and 598 bills in 2019. But the number of bills doesn’t really tell the whole tale because the word bill can refer to a three-page bill or to a 300-page bill. This year did seem to have more of those longer complex bills than normal. But again, that doesn’t really tell the whole tale. The 2023 session felt long because it was a session with many long debates, which makes for long hours for legislators and staff.

    The 2023’s regular session is done. Staff is still getting bills signed, writing digests, and getting the bills ready to go to the governor, who has to decide what he will do with these bills. If there are 10 days left in the session, the governor has 10 days to sign, veto, or ignore a bill. But if there aren’t 10 days left when the bill is presented, the governor has 30 days for those same options. If the governor signs a bill or ignores it for the required time, the bill becomes law. If the governor vetoes a bill, it does not become law and the governor must send it back to the House and the Senate with a letter explaining his reasons for vetoing the bill. Normally, the General Assembly can override a veto, but not if the General Assembly has adjourned sine die. (I suppose the General Assembly could call itself back for a special session to override the veto, but let’s hope that’s a road trip it does not take.) 

    For now, the legislative votes have been taken and we await the decisions of the governor.

    Enjoy a bit of downtime, but the 2024 session is coming, so don’t wait too long.

    Before you know it interim committees will be starting up. In addition to the existing committees, this year the General Assembly will be forming three additional interim committees: The Colorado’s Child Welfare System Interim Study Committee, the Recidivism Interim Study Committee, and the Legislative Interim Committee on Ozone Air Quality. The first two were created through the letter process, while the third was a product of House Bill 23-1294. So now enjoy your interim. We will be also enjoying our interim, and LegiSource is going on hiatus for the summer. But the 2024 session is coming. Today, the motel is calling you from the road, but tomorrow, the road will be calling you from the motel.

  • Maximizing the Interim: How OLLS Staff Can Help Legislators

    Maximizing the Interim: How OLLS Staff Can Help Legislators

    Editor’s note: This article was originally written by Debbie Haskins and posted on July 6, 2017. It has been updated as appropriate.

    Legislators, especially those serving in their first legislative session, often comment that they wish they had more time to work on their bills. They sometimes learn the hard way that failure to engage in robust stakeholder processes leads to bills that are difficult to pass. Sometimes it takes multiple bill drafts before all sides feel that the concerns they represent are adequately addressed. While the interim is a good time for legislators to take a well-deserved break from the hectic pace of the previous legislative session, many also find that the interim is a great opportunity to prepare for the upcoming legislative session.

    During the interim, legislative staff in the Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) can assist legislators in the following ways:

    • Researching what other states do to combat a particular problem the legislator is interested in addressing via legislation;
    • Researching prior legislative efforts in Colorado to address a particular issue;
    • Researching legal issues that arise in proposed legislation;
    • Facilitating discussions or participating in stakeholder meetings that bring a wide variety of parties together to discuss how to address particular issues; and
    • Drafting and redrafting bills.

    Legislators may ask an OLLS attorney to attend drafting meetings or stakeholder meetings that are held at the State Capitol Building or in the Capitol Complex. While OLLS attorneys cannot attend meetings with or on behalf of a legislator outside of the Capitol Complex, we are happy to meet with legislators and their contacts over Zoom, Google Meet, or any other videoconferencing platform.

    In addition, OLLS staff provides legal research and bill drafting for interim committees and committees that meet year-round, such as the Capital Development Committee, Colorado Commission on Uniform State Laws, Committee on Legal Services, Joint Technology Committee, and Statutory Revision Committee.

    If you are a new legislator—or even if you have a couple of sessions under your belt—you may want to use the interim to brush up on the legislative procedures or learn more about a particular subject area. The OLLS staff are available to help in these areas, as well. Staff attorneys are happy to provide one-on-one review sessions of the legislative rules or to help you drill down in understanding Colorado’s laws on a particular subject. Also, each interim, the OLLS provides in-house continuing legal education (CLE) programs. Legislators, especially those who are attorneys, are welcome to attend many of them. Contact the OLLS to receive notice of these programs. For more information on all of the OLLS’s interim activities, click here.

    Nonpartisan legislative staff at the OLLS are here to help legislators maximize their interim. Let us help you get a jump start on the 2024 legislative session.

  • Automatic Rule Changes During the Last Days of Session

     Editor’s note: This article was originally posted on April 18, 2019. This version has been updated where appropriate.

    by Julie Pelegrin

    On May 9, legislators, legislative staff, lobbyists, and capitol reporters can all hit the snooze button and roll over for another hour of sleep. But between now and then, there are several amendments to read, bills to consider, and differences to resolve. To help ensure that both houses can complete their work by midnight on May 8, the legislative rules automatically speed up or suspend certain procedural requirements in the last few days of the session.

    Last 5 Days of Session:

    • Joint Rule 7One day after a bill is assigned to a conference committee, a majority of either house may demand a conference committee report, and the committee must deliver the report before the close of the legislative day during which the demand is made. If a bill has been assigned to a conference committee at any time during the session and the committee hasn’t turned in a report, the committee must report the bill out within these last five days of session.

    Last 3 Days of Session:

    • House Rule 25 (j)(3); Senate Rule 22 (f): Each House committee chairperson must submit committee reports to the House front desk as soon as possible after the committee acts on a bill. No more waiting for two or three days to turn in the report. This requirement—to submit the committee report as soon as possible—actually applies to Senate committee chairs in the last 10 days of session. And during these last 10 days, at the request of the Senate Majority Leader or President, the chairman must submit the committee report immediately. If that doesn’t happen within 24 hours after the request, the committee staff person is required to submit the report to the Senate front desk on the chairman’s behalf.
    • House Rule 36 (d); Senate Rule 26 (a)The House and the Senate can consider the amendments made in the second house without waiting for each legislator in the first house to receive a copy of the rerevised bill and for the notice of consideration to be printed in the calendar.
    • House Rule 36 (d); Senate Rule 26 (b)Legislators can vote on conference committee reports as soon as the reports are turned in to their respective front desks—even if the report has not been distributed to the members and has not been calendared for consideration. The usual practice, however, is to try to distribute copies of conference committee reports to legislators before the vote.
    • House Rule 35 (a): Throughout most of the session, a Representative may give notice of the intention to move to reconsider a question. In this case, the Representative has until noon on the next day of actual session to move to reconsider. However, during the last three days of session, a member may not give notice of intention to reconsider.
    • Senate Rule 18 (d)Throughout most of the session, a Senator may give notice of reconsideration, and the Secretary of the Senate will hold the bill for which the notice was given for up to two days of actual session. During the last three days of session, however, this rule is suspended, and a Senator cannot hold up a bill by giving notice to reconsider.
    • House Rule 33 (b.5)Usually, the House rules only allow technical amendments on third reading; offering a substantial amendment on third reading may result in the bill being referred back to second reading. During the last three days of session, however, a Representative may offer a substantial amendment to a bill on third reading.

    Last 2 Days of Session:

    • House Rule 35 (b) and (e)A motion to reconsider usually requires a 2/3 vote to pass. In the last two days of session, however, a motion to reconsider – in a House committee or in the full House – requires only a majority vote.

    Before the 117th legislative day, the Speaker of the House or the President of the Senate may announce that the House or the Senate, respectively, is in the last three days of the legislative session. This does not mean that either the House or the Senate will adjourn sine die before the 120th legislative day, but it does trigger the rule changes that apply in the last three and last two days of session.

    Digest of Bills

    With these expedited procedures, bills will probably be moving quickly. If you find yourself wondering which bills passed and what they do, you’ll want to check the digest of bills. The Office of Legislative Legal Services (OLLS) annually publishes the digest, which contains a summary of each bill enacted during the legislative session, organized by subject matter. The OLLS will publish a preliminary digest before the end of session that will include all of the bills that have passed and been signed by the Governor or allowed to become law by that time. The OLLS will publish the final digest once the 30-day period for Governor action is passed. Copies of the preliminary and final digest will be available in Room 091 in the Capitol basement and posted on the OLLS website.

  • Freedom of Speech for the New Legislator

    Freedom of Speech for the New Legislator

    by Esther van Mourik and Pierce Lively

    Editor’s note: This article was originally published on January 17, 2019.

    It is a prized American privilege to speak one’s mind, although not always with perfect good taste, on all public institutions.” – Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black

    He has the backbone of a chocolate éclair.” – President Theodore Roosevelt on President William McKinley.

    You’ve just been sworn in to serve as a legislative member of the Colorado General Assembly[1] and you are now a public official. Congratulations! If you would like to know your rights as a legislator when you’re being criticized by the public, when you’re making speeches, or when you’re being threatened, read on!

    It is a foundational principle that the success of a democracy is built on the back of free political discussion. This discussion is a fundamental right protected by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution and article II, section 10 of the Colorado Constitution. But freedom of speech is not absolute. For example, it does not protect a person who shouts “fire!” in a crowded theater and causes a panic. Over the years the judiciary has justified regulating speech when the restriction outweighs the value of the expression. So, where is the line drawn? In particular, when is speech directed toward, or made by, a legislator protected and when is it not?

    Speech directed toward a public official

    Let’s say that a critic has publicly said you are “ripping off taxpayers” by sponsoring a tax credit for businesses. Do you have a complaint against that critic for defamation? Probably not.

    Defamation is a catch-all term for civil, not criminal, damage claims stemming from false statements that hurt someone’s reputation.[2] Defamation laws are an important recourse for those who are harmed by false statements. However, defamation laws are in direct conflict with the constitutional right to free speech, and consequently, courts look at punishing that speech very carefully. This conflict is particularly acute in the case of public officials, such as legislators, because robust political debates and discussions are fundamental to our democratic system and should not be chilled.

    In New York Times v. Sullivan, the United States Supreme Court addressed this conflict by holding that the First Amendment’s right to free speech prohibits a “public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with ‘actual malice’ — that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.”

    What does this mean for public officials, including legislators, in Colorado? A public official can only recover damages for a statement if he or she can prove that (1) a person published or otherwise communicated the statement to a third party, (2) the statement caused the public official actual damage, and (3) that when the person made the statement, he or she either knew it was false or had a reckless disregard as to whether it was false. This “actual malice” standard imposes a high burden on public officials in a defamation case.

    So, when a critic has publicly said you are “ripping off taxpayers” because you sponsored a tax credit for businesses, this may hurt your reputation, but it is probably not defamation. The critic is entitled to his or her opinion, and opinions are hard to prove true or false.

    Speech made by a legislator

    An “unrestricted debate of public issues” requires protecting not only a public official’s critics, but also protecting the public official. As regular readers of LegiSource will already know, this protection is achieved through “legislative immunity.”[3]

    Let’s say you make a statement during legislative debate that offends someone. Is your speech protected? Yes. The Colorado Constitution includes protections to ensure that you can do your job as a public official without interference or intimidation.

    Under Article V, section 16 of the Colorado Constitution, legislators are immune from civil lawsuits and state criminal prosecution for actions that fall within the “sphere of legitimate legislative activity.”[4] Although Colorado courts have not defined the phrase “sphere of legitimate legislative activity,” in Gravel v. United States, the United States Supreme Court held that activities that are “an integral part of the deliberative and communicative processes by which Members participate in committee and House proceedings with respect to the consideration and passage or rejection of proposed legislation or with respect to other matters which the Constitution places within the jurisdiction of either House” are within the sphere.

    In general, these activities include conducting hearings, preparing and authorizing the publication of reports, delivering floor speeches, and voting but do not include meeting with or influencing executive branch or local government officials or political activities related to campaigning.

    When a constituent is offended by something you said during legislative debate about a particular bill, your speech is protected, and you are immune from any liability related to that speech.

    When speech turns criminal

    Legislative immunity protects legislators and the high burden in defamation cases protects critics of the government, but no one is protected while threatening others. Actions that constitute criminally threatening behavior include:

    • Attempting to influence legislators and other public servants through “deceit or by threat of violence or economic reprisal”;[5]
    • Threatening or using physical action to place another “in fear of imminent serious bodily injury”;[6]
    • A continuous course of conduct where one follows, approaches, contacts, places another under surveillance, or communicates with someone in a manner that causes that person to suffer serious emotional distress;[7] and
    • Harassment.[8]

    If you feel threatened in any way while in the capitol, call state patrol (303-866-3660). If you feel threatened outside of the capitol call local law enforcement. If you think the person threatening you away from the capitol may come to the capitol, please call state patrol.

    Final thoughts

    As you embark on your new careers as members of the General Assembly, it’s important to remember that open and robust discussion of public issues is a fundamental part of our democracy. Our laws strive to protect discussion both by critics of the government and the government itself. Critics of the government are protected by requiring public officials to clear a high bar before they succeed in defamation cases. Legislative immunity protects members of the government in relation to statements they make within “the sphere of legitimate legislative activity.” But expression that improperly influences, threatens, or harasses a person is illegal and unprotected. If you have any further questions about any of these issues, please contact the Office of Legislative Legal Services.

     


    [1] Or maybe you’re already a legislator and you just want a refresher!

    [2] If defamation is written, it is libel, and if it is spoken, it is slander.

    [3] See Legislative Ethics – Legislative Immunity and A Look at the Limits of Legislative Immunity.

    [4] For an in-depth discussion of how this doctrine applies to subpoenas, see To Testify or Not to Testify: Responding to a Subpoena.

    [5] Section 18-8-306, C.R.S.

    [6] Section 18-3-206, C.R.S.

    [7] Section 18-3-602, C.R.S.

    [8] Section 18-9-111, C.R.S.

  • What happens when multiple bills amend the same provision of law?

    What happens when multiple bills amend the same provision of law?

     by Bethanie Pack

    Editor’s note: This article was originally posted on March 15, 2019. It has been updated where appropriate.

    It’s very common for multiple bills to amend the same provision of law in a given session, because let’s face it, great minds think alike, and there are a lot of great minds in our state legislature. So, when this occurs, one of five things can happen:

    1. The bills are harmonized upon publishing;
    2. Provisions are renumbered;
    3. The bills are amended without need of a conflict letter from the Revisor of Statutes;
    4. The Revisor of Statutes issues a conflict letter to the bill sponsors of both bills notifying them of the conflict and that their drafters can provide guidance to the bill sponsor on how to address it; or
    5. As a last resort, one of the bills supersedes the other.

    So what in the world does all this mean? Let me explain.

    After a bill passes second reading in each house, the publications team (a team in the Office of Legislative Legal Services that works under the direction and supervision of the Revisor of Statutes) performs a database search against all other bills in the current legislative session to ensure no bills change the same provision of law in a conflicting manner.

    Harmonize

    If only Bill A and Bill C are adopted, then the publications team can harmonize the section upon publication, and there is no conflict. In other words, the two bills “play nice together.” The section would appear as:

    45-1-101. Residential watering. A homeowner may water the lawn for a maximum of one hour up to five times per week.

    The changes from both bills can be combined in this section and they can be harmonized.

    Renumber/Reletter

    Now, ignore Bills A, B, and C for a moment, and take as an example two bills that both add a subsection (2) to the current version of 45-1-101. If both bills pass, one of them will be renumbered to add a subsection (3).

     Conflict Letter

    Back to our original example.  If both Bill A and Bill B were to pass, they cannot be harmonized; there is a conflict. The section of law cannot state that a homeowner may water the lawn both three and five times per week. In this scenario, the Revisor of Statutes writes a conflict letter, as directed by Joint Rule 16, to give notice of conflicting provisions to the prime sponsors of the conflicting bills.

    These letters are sent to the prime sponsors and the conflict is noted in the transmittal letter sent to the opposite house after third reading in the first house. A copy of the letter is also stapled to the billback. The letter contains a statement about the conflict and a statement that the bill drafters know about the conflict and can provide guidance on how to address the issue.

    The publications team runs the conflict check after second reading in each house, which sometimes gives the drafter enough time to confer with the prime sponsor and draft a third reading amendment to fix the conflict. This quick action by the drafter would eliminate the need for a conflict letter before the bill is transmitted to the opposite house.

    Typical resolutions to conflicts by amendment include mirroring the language in both bills to make them harmonizable, making the conflicting provision in one bill contingent on the passage of the other bill so that both provisions don’t go into effect, or eliminating the conflicting provision or moving it to a different place in statute. But sometimes, none of these approaches will work because the bill sponsors don’t agree to the amendments that would harmonize the bills or because harmonizing the bills would defeat the purposes of the bills. In these situations, the legislators may decide to allow one bill to supersede the other.

    Supersede

    The goal of the publications team is to give effect to every bill. So, allowing one provision of law to supersede another is the last resort and done only if an amendment to fix the issue was not adopted. If two bills pass that cannot be harmonized, renumbered, or relettered, and they were not amended to “play nice together,” then one bill will supersede the other where the conflicting provision occurs. Which provision takes effect is typically based on the effective dates of the bills—the amendment with the later effective date prevails. Occasionally two conflicting bills will have the same effective date, in which case the provision that prevails is the one in the bill that the Governor signs last. In some cases, however, the bill with the earlier effective date will prevail because it repeals the provision. A bill that repeals a provision will supersede a bill that amends the same provision, even if the amending bill has a later effective date, because the repealed provision is gone by the time the amending provision takes effect, and it cannot be brought back to life to implement the amendment.

    For more information on effective dates, see “When Does an Act become a Law? It depends.”

  • On Ejusdem Generis & Squirrels

    by Jery Payne

    1.     Is Adam a Burglar?

    Adam worked at a truck shop. His duties included delivering clothes to the other workers’ lockers. Although it was possible to secure the lockers using a padlock, none of the workers actually used locks. The workers should have used the locks, however, because several workers noticed money missing from their work lockers. Suspecting theft, one of the workers installed a small video camera in the room. The camera recorded Adam looking through the lockers and taking items from them. This led to Adam’s arrest for burglary and theft.

    At trial, Adam was found guilty of the burglary charge. Here’s the law, section 18-4-204, C.R.S., forbidding burglary:

    A person commits third degree burglary if with intent to commit a crime he [sic] enters or breaks into any vault, safe, cash register, coin vending machine, product dispenser, money depository, safety deposit box, coin telephone, coin box, or other apparatus or equipment whether or not coin operated.

    Adam appealed the guilty verdict, but the appeals court affirmed the conviction because he “entered or broke into what is tantamount to a vault.” The Colorado Supreme Court, however, reversed the appeals court because of ejusdem generis.

    Ejusdem generis is a Latin phrase that means “of the same kind or class.” This doctrine of statutory interpretation holds that, when a catchall phrase follows a list, the catchall phrase should be read to apply only to persons or things that are of the same kind as the items on the list. This means that the catchall phrase should not be read to cover everything that it says it covers. Instead, the catchall phrase should be limited to covering persons or things that are similar or in the same class as the things on the list.

    Ejusdem generis is actually a specific application of another rule of statutory interpretation: Every word in a statute must be given effect. When, for example, a statute applies to raspberries, strawberries, or other fruit, the words raspberries and strawberries are redundant with the word fruit. Therefore, reading fruit literally to mean all fruit means that the words raspberries and strawberries don’t do anything, and they don’t have any effect. So courts have decided that, to give every word meaning, we have to use the redundant items on the list to narrow the meaning of the catchall.

    Returning to Adam’s burglary case, the Colorado Supreme Court reasoned that all the items in the statutory list “are almost always used to contain money or valuables exclusively: vaults, safes, cash registers, coin vending machines, product dispensers, money depositories, safety deposit boxes, coin telephones, and coin boxes.” Therefore, the list doesn’t include equipment that holds mere property; the list includes only equipment that holds money and valuables. “Thus, whether any given container falls within the purview of the statute depends on whether the apparatus or equipment is merely a storage receptacle or is of the same kind or class as those items enumerated in the statute, that is, whether the container is designed for the safekeeping of money or valuables[.]” So, the Colorado Supreme Court held that Adam had not committed burglary.

    2.     Ejusdem Generis Is Squirrely.

    Imagine that you’re a court interpreting a statute that reads:

    To be imported into Colorado, cherries, tomatoes, cranberries, and other fruit must be inspected by the commissioner of agriculture.

    The statute has three fruits and the catchall of other fruit, so this statute should be read in light of ejusdem generis. The catchall word, fruit, presumably shouldn’t be read to cover all fruit, so you must decide what types of fruit aren’t covered. Here are some options:

    • The listed fruit, cherries, tomatoes, and cranberries, aren’t citrus, so no limes;
    • The listed fruit have skin that is normally eaten, so no pineapples;
    • The listed fruit are red, so no blueberries; or
    • The listed fruit are spherical, so no bananas.

    Which of these options is the right class? Which do you choose? Do you choose all of them?

    Wouldn’t it be better to avoid this guessing game?

    Sutherland’s Statutory Construction explains that ejusdem generis “expresses a meaningful insight about language usage that can be a relevant aid, if not a simple and certain exponent….”[1] When it passes a law, the General Assembly is trying to achieve a goal. Doesn’t this mean that the body wants as much certainty as possible?

    The concern isn’t whether the rule makes sense; the concern is that the rule is a wellspring of uncertainty.

    In Adam’s burglar case, the appeals court believed the statute applied to lockers, but the Colorado Supreme Court held that it didn’t. Regardless of what the General Assembly wanted, two courts came to opposite conclusions. Wouldn’t it be better to draft the statute so that both courts read the statute the same way?

    3.     Don’t Shroud the Law in A Mist; Do Away with The List!

    How should we improve the burglary statute? We can avoid the issue by not using a list:

    • If the intention is to make the burglary statute apply to lockers, then forgo the list. Write something like, “A person commits third degree burglary if, with intent to commit a crime, the person enters or breaks into a container used to store property.”
    • If the intention is, as the Colorado Supreme Court held, to apply only to a container that is used to store valuables, write something like, “A person commits third degree burglary if, with intent to commit a crime, the person enters or breaks into a container used to store money or valuable property.”

    The ambiguity is removed by redrafting the provision to get rid of the list.

    4.     Sometimes, A Belt and Suspenders Are Necessary.

    I imagine that every drafter at the Capitol has heard from a bill’s proponents that “We need a belt­-and-suspenders” provision. This is legislative shorthand for “we may need some redundancy.” In stakeholder negotiations, it is sometimes necessary to list an item or two in a statute to assuage the concerns of a nervous stakeholder.

    For example, a stakeholder may be worried that the word fruit won’t be read to include tomatoes and peppers. This is frequently what leads to phrases like tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit. Recall that ejusdem generis applies when a catchall follows a list, so the word fruit may be limited in some way to not apply to all fruit. Maybe a court will hold that the phrase tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit applies only to less-sweet fruit or, maybe, only to fruit that’s native to North America. If all fruit is meant to be covered, the phrase should be rewritten.

    This is when it makes sense to use the word including:

    To be imported into Colorado, fruit, including tomatoes and peppers, must be inspected by the commissioner of agriculture.

    This is better than tomatoes, peppers, and other fruit because courts usually hold that the words includes and including enlarge or extend rather than limit the general term. Here are some examples:

    One note of caution: it is possible to find cases where an including phrase has been held to be limiting out of a desire to give every word effect. An example is Shelby Cnty. State Bank v. Van Diest Supply Co. This case dealt with a lien on

    [A]ll inventory, including, but not limited to, agricultural chemicals, fertilizers, and fertilizer materials sold to Debtor ….”[Emphasis added.]

    In this case, the 7th circuit explained that:

    [I]t would be bizarre as a commercial matter to claim a lien in everything, and then to describe in detail only a smaller part of that whole. … But if all goods of any kind are to be included, why mention only a few? A court required to give “reasonable and effective meaning to all terms” must shy away from finding that a significant phrase (like the lengthy description of chemicals and fertilizers we have here) is nothing but surplusage.

    So the court did interpret the word including as limiting, and the judges didn’t care that the contract used the phrase but not limited to. Therefore, it is better to avoid using a list. But if that isn’t an option, then use an including phrase.

     


    [1] N. Singer, 2A Sutherland Statutory Construction § 47.07 (Seventh Edition)

  • Concerning bill titles, and, in connection therewith, explaining everything you need to know about the single-subject and original purpose rules.

    Concerning bill titles, and, in connection therewith, explaining everything you need to know about the single-subject and original purpose rules.

    by Megan McCall

    “And the coat rule is relaxed.” “The ayes have it and journal from the previous day is adopted.” “Does it fit under the bill title?” These are all frequently uttered phrases under the Dome, although the last might not be spoken with the same enthusiasm as the first two. The question of whether a matter fits under a bill title has undoubtedly come up a time or two for you during session and probably in a variety of contexts. It might have been a conversation with a bill drafter in the initial drafting of your bill, or perhaps the question has arisen in relation to evaluating an amendment request with a lobbyist or with another member of the General Assembly.

    Section 21 of article V of the Colorado Constitution states that “No bill, except general appropriations bills, shall be passed containing more than one subject, which shall be clearly expressed in its title….” Many of your counterparts in other states also have to comply with their state’s single-subject rule, although notably Congress does not. The Colorado courts have specifically identified the desire to prevent “log-rolling” as a core tenet to the single-subject rule, meaning the rule is intended to prevent several unrelated measures that may not pass individually be joined together in order to garner a majority of votes for the combined measure. Courts have also identified an intention to prevent public surprise as another primary purpose for the rule. A bill’s title should sufficiently put the public on notice as to the contents of the legislation.

    To comply with the nuances of the single-subject rule, bill titles may be drafted broadly or narrowly, and the compliance with the rule is a primary consideration for your drafter in the bill’s initial drafting stages. It is the custom of the OLLS to draft narrow or “tight” bill titles unless otherwise instructed by the bill’s sponsor. Sometimes a narrow bill title, however, is not possible based on the content a bill sponsor wants to cover in the bill. The Colorado Supreme Court consistently has held that generality in a title is not objectionable, and the Constitutional requirements are met if the matters contained in the bill are germane to the subject of the title. Thus a general, or a broad, bill title that describes the general subject matter of the bill should withstand scrutiny as long as the substance of the bill is germane to that title.

    A bill with a broad title may include what is called a “trailer,” which is a way of providing additional information to the reader as to its specific contents. This trailer will list and describe the varying components of the bill. Trailers can be lengthy and although they are in bold font just like the bill title, they are not the title of the bill for purposes of the single-subject analysis. If a bill has a trailer, the best way to keep track of the bill title is to remember that the title is everything after the first word “Concerning” and before the phrase “…, and, in connection therewith,”.

    Keeping a handle on the title of a bill is important as it is moving its way through the legislative process and amendments are offered to the bill, whether it is to your own bill or the bill of another member. This is in light of an ancillary constitutional provision in section 17 of article V that states that “No bill shall be so altered or amended on its passage through either house as to change its original purpose.” Meaning, just as the contents of an introduced bill must relate to the single-subject of the bill as evidenced in the title, so too must any amendments offered to the bill. Once a bill is introduced, the bill title cannot be amended to be made broader, as that would suggest the original purpose is being changed, or perhaps, that there is now more than one subject. A bill title can be amended to narrow its scope (although if narrowed, it can later be amended again to revert back to the original title). Bill trailers can always be amended, and frequently are, to add, revise, or remove specific descriptions of provisions impacted by the substance of amendments.

    The drafter of a bill may advise a member that an amendment request may raise a title issue, meaning the substance of the amendment may not fit under the bill’s title. An amendment that falls outside the bill’s title may be challenged, and the question is ultimately decided by the chair of the committee of reference or of the committee of the whole, depending on when the amendment is offered, and is in the chair’s sole discretion.

    Courts have jurisdiction to consider challenges to a bill’s compliance with the single-subject rule, but courts will generally defer to the judgment of the General Assembly when passing the bill. If the court finds a violation, only the portion of the bill that does not fit within the bill title will be held invalid. Additionally, the General Assembly passes a bill every regular session to enact the Colorado Revised Statutes, republished with all changes passed by bill in the preceding session, which has the effect of curing any title defects that may have existed within any bills passed in the prior session. Accordingly, single subjects are infrequently challenged.

    For more information on bill titles and the single-subject rule, see the OLLS memo concerning bill titles.

  • The OLLS Hereby Finds and Declares That You Should Read This Article

    The OLLS Hereby Finds and Declares That You Should Read This Article

    by Asia Merrill

    Drafters of statute have the difficult task of turning complicated ideas into plain and clear legislation. They work closely with legislators to translate the legislators’ ideas into laws that avoid the need for complex interpretation. The intent of the General Assembly must be as clear as possible so that the law can be administered or followed in the manner that the General Assembly intends. If a statute is interpreted by the Colorado courts, then between precedent and the statute itself, everyone should receive a just and consistent interpretation. Despite this, when several interpretations of a law do arise, lawyers and judges may turn to legislative declarations and statements of intent if they are included in the bill that enacted the law in dispute to help interpret the statute.

    Most of the time when legislators decide to include a legislative declaration or a legislative statement of intent, they choose legislative declarations. Per the Colorado Legislative Drafting Manual, legislative declarations are a formal announcement about a bill. They can establish a philosophical reason behind the new statute or deliver context or history regarding the fiscal or social issue driving the law. In general, they encapsulate the “why” and sometimes the “how” of the proposed legislation. Legislative declarations may also provide data and findings by the General Assembly to support the legislature’s claims and associated actions.

    Legislators may choose between nonstatutory or statutory legislative declarations. Both hold the same legal weight, but each serves a different organizational purpose. Usually, if a bill creates a new entire part or article or it only creates a new section, a statutory legislative declaration is the obvious choice. It’s a way to attach the declaration to the language itself in the statute books, where attorneys and citizencan most easily access it. If a drafter creates or amends multiple areas of statute, however, a nonstatutory legislative declaration most effectively gives context to the language without repeating the declaration in each new or amended section. Nonstatutory legislative declarations are only shown in the Session Laws, but they are cross-referenced in editor’s notes after a statute in the Colorado Revised Statutes.

    Legislators will also use a statement of legislative intent, which describes the intended purpose and desired effect of a bill. In general, legislative intents focus on what the outcome of the bill should be. Statements of intent should never be necessary to understand the desired outcome of the statute and should only supplement the bill. A relatively simple example of a statement of legislative intent is section 6-1-401, C.R.S., which establishes that the entire part is intended to:

     [Assure] that assistive technology [is] provided to persons with disabilities, is of quality, and is covered by adequate warranties to maintain their assistive technology in proper working condition; to assure availability of appropriate loaner replacement assistive technology while their own is being repaired; and to encourage manufacturers and dealers to cooperatively pool assistive technology resources for loaner purposes to assure availability without an undue burden.

    While short and sweet, the statement acts to announce the people the law is intended to serve and simply establishes the desired outcome.

    Legislators should use neither declarations nor statements of intent to simply garner support for a bill, although that certainly seems to happen from time to time. On the other hand, legislators should exercise caution when putting too much weight into a legislative declaration or a legislative statement of intent, lest the underlying statute may fail to address the problems they are trying to solve. It goes without saying that a legislator, and in turn, a drafter, should never use a legislative declaration to replace clear, concise statute.

  • The 1923 General Assembly: A Peep Into the Past

    The 1923 General Assembly: A Peep Into the Past

    by Sarah Meisch

    The Twenty-fourth Session of the Colorado General Assembly convened on January 3, 1923, with its members poised to pass cornerstone water and conservation legislation. This session would change how the Colorado River is allocated, address wildlife preservation, establish Armistice Day, and enhance care for children and the blind in Colorado.

    The Colorado River Compact
    One of the most important pieces of legislation passed in 1923 was the approval of the Colorado River Compact, which had been signed in Santa Fe, New Mexico, on November 24, 1922. Governor-appointed commissioners from Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming attended a conference in early November 1922 to determine how the river water should be allocated between the Colorado River Basin states. Many of the Basin states were newly concerned with securing their state’s water supply due to California’s robust population growth and a U.S. Supreme Court ruling from June 1922, which had declared the law of prior appropriation; this law expressed that, “whoever used the water first had first right of use in times of shortage … regardless of state lines.” The states had an urgent need to come to an equitable agreement to prevent California from requesting water other Basin states believed they had rights to instead.

    The Colorado River Compact was the first time in American history when more than three states came together to distribute the waters of a stream or river, and it became the bedrock for the “Law of the River” — the series of laws and contracts that regulate the use of the Colorado River. The agreement effectively ended navigation and commerce on the river and prioritized the value of the water for domestic and agricultural needs.

    The Compact was not binding until each of the Basin states approved it within their state legislatures and the U.S. Congress ratified it. The General Assembly in 1923 determined that the act was “necessary for the immediate preservation of public peace, health, and safety”, and the act was approved on April 2, 1923. Only six of the seven states needed to ratify the compact, and the Colorado River Compact officially took effect in 1929. Arizona would not ratify the agreement until 1944 due to the state’s concerns with the way the Compact allocated water to the Upper and Lower Basins rather than to each of the states directly.

    The Compact also raised the future question of Mexican ownership over areas of the Colorado River. Water allocations to Mexico were addressed in the Mexican Water Treaty of 1944.

    Colorado Game and Fish
    The General Assembly established several state game refuges in 1923 to regulate and prohibit the killing of certain protected game in Colorado. Violators of state game refuge laws would be guilty of a misdemeanor and punished by a fine of up to $100 and/or imprisonment for up to 60 days in the county jail. The restrictions seem to have been successful for at least one protected animal – the Abert’s Squirrel, which currently ranks as an animal of “least concern” for extinction.

    The 1923 legislation outlined particular limitations on game hunting, including a declaration that there would be no open season on partridges. A maximum of eight geese could be killed or found in a person’s possession in a single day, and only one deer and one elk could be killed by an individual in the entirety of the hunting season. The laws imposed by the 1923 General Assembly were an extension of Colorado’s wildlife protection legislation, which was initially passed to preserve game and fish in Colorado Territory in 1870.

    Armistice Day
    In 1923, the General Assembly changed “Liberty Day”, which was established in 1919, to “Armistice Day.” Legislation established Armistice Day on November 11 each year to commemorate the success of the Allies “against Germany and the survival of liberty and democracy at home and abroad.” Congress passed a resolution in 1926 for annual observance of the holiday, but by that time 27 state legislatures had already turned the day into a legal holiday. In 1938, Armistice Day became a national holiday, and in 1954 Armistice Day became “Veterans Day”.

    In 1968, a controversial new federal law changed the date of Veterans Day from the eleventh day of November to the fourth Monday in October to provide federal employees with a consistent three-day weekend. The first year of observance for the new date was 1971, but two states refused to switch the date, and veterans groups ardently opposed the change. In 1974, several newspaper editorials called for Congress to restore November 11 as the date of observance, and a few months later, 46 of the 50 states ignored the federal celebration in October, opting to switch back to the November 11 date or refusing to move the holiday altogether. In 1975, President Ford amended the Uniform Monday Holiday Act and changed Veterans Day back to November 11. Veterans Day has fallen on November 11 since 1978.

    Care for Neglected Children and the Blind
    Several acts were approved in 1923 to assist with the care of children, mothers, and the blind. The State Home for Dependent and Neglected Children received needed repairs, support, and maintenance that year, and an appropriation was made to construct a nursery cottage and remodel other institutional buildings. The Sheppard-Towner Act was enacted to promote the proper hygiene and welfare of mothers and infants.

    The General Assembly also allocated money to the Industrial Workshop for the Blind to support its operating and maintenance costs. Readers for the blind were paid for any services rendered to blind residents of Colorado who graduated from the Colorado School for Deaf and Blind and were employed within Colorado higher education. This program allowed the blind greater accessibility and opportunity across the state.

    Conclusion
    The 1923 General Assembly’s concern with conservation of our natural resources portended future discussions that continue to echo through the halls of the Colorado State Capitol and the U.S. Capitol today. The Colorado River Compact, the conservation of state refuges and wildlife, and the care of the disadvantaged were key legislative themes of the 1923 General Assembly, but the public’s interest in these issues remains just as keen in 2023.

     


    Citations